Opinion
The Triumphant Return of the Greatest Bengali
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to the conquered country 25 days after independence of Bangladesh - on January 10, 1972. There is no such homecoming in the history. Homecoming is not just a come back to 'sweet home,' a return to the country, the soil of the country, and the people after a lifelong struggle to finally return to the firm hope of building a dream-Sonar Bangla (Golden Bengal). Waiting for 28 days (9 months 12 days) to return home as a winner, while in the prison in Pakistan it was either death, or freedom. No, not death; Sheikh Mujib made the independence of his men and motherland after about 23 years of struggle, and a total of 13 years of imprisonment. He faced execution twice (1969 and 1971) but survived to implement the country's independence.
When the Bengalis was united for independence at the call of Bangabandhu, the Pakistani military launched a brutal attack on the night of March 25, 1971 on the independence-loving Bengalis and arrested Bangabandhu from his Dhanmondi residence on March 26 at 1.20 pm, shortly after he declared the independence of Bangladesh. He could have escaped if he wanted to. But Bangabandhu was not such a man. In an interview with British journalist David Fraser, he made it clear: 'I thought it is better I die and at least save my people who love me so much. I am their leader, I will embrace death if necessary, but why should I escape? 'However, after the victory of Bangladesh, on international pressure Bangabandhu was released from prison on the morning of January 8, 1972. After his release, he returned to the country on January 10, 1972, via London and Delhi. When the plane carrying Bangabandhu touched the runway of Tejgaon Airport that afternoon, countless crowds greeted their undisputed leader with cheers and sky-scraping 'Joy Bangla' slogans. Bangabandhu went to Suhrawardy Udyan (then Racecourse Maidan) straight from the airport, where he one day urged millions of Bengalis to jump into the freedom struggle. There, he congratulated the country's people in an emotional voice for snatching victory in the bloody liberation war and called upon all to dedicate themselves to rebuilding the war-torn country.
Read More: Bangabandhu’s Homecoming Day today
As soon as he returned to the country on January 10, 1972, getting him back alive millions of Bengalis welcomed him at the historic Suhrawardy Udyan, where once he called for independence ten months back. He firmly called upon people, "If my people are killed again, then my request to you is: 'build fortress in every home'. In his words, the desire to liberate the motherland has fascinated the whole nation, provoked, 'Remember, since we have given blood, we will give more, by we will surely liberate liberate the people of this country, inshallah.' He emphasized, 'The struggle this time is the struggle for our liberation. The struggle this time is the struggle for our independence.' After returning to the country, the father of the nation started tidying up the country. In the beginning, he gave his focus in formulating the state policies- the principles on which the new country Bangladesh would be governed. Mujibbad gave a remarkable imprint of the life, culture, and heritage of the land and people of the country in politics, gifted with his political experience, wisdom, foresight, and the uniqueness of independent Bengal.
He was not unaware of the plight of ordinary people in the war-torn country. He expressed his determination to alleviate their suffering as follows: "From today my request, from today my command, from today my order, as a brother-not as a leader, nor as to the president or as the prime minister, I am your brother, you are my brothers. This independence of mine will be futile-if the people of my Bengal are not fully fed on rice, this independence of mine will not be fulfilled-if the mothers and sisters of Bengal do not get clothes, this independence of mine will not be fulfilled-if the mothers and sisters of this country do not get clothes for the protection of their modesty, this independence of mine will not be fulfilled-if the people of this country, the youth of mine, do not find employment or do not get jobs."
Read More: Anne de Henning’s rare photos of Bangladesh’s birth, Bangabandhu to have Dhaka exhibit Dec 15-24
The drafting of the constitution reflected the idea of local, and not the imitation of other developed countries. The views of the people were reflected in the constitution; 98 recommendations were adopted on the basis of public opinion. Bangabandhu always emphasized the will and needs of the people first. In just nine months, Bangabandhu presented the nation with one of the world's best constitutions, which was adopted by the National Assembly on November 4, 1972, and came into effect from December 16 (Victory Day). Speaking on the constitution in the parliament, the country's architect said: "This constitution is written in the blood of the martyrs. This constitution will survive as a tangible symbol of the hopes and aspirations of the entire people."
It is unknown whether anyone else in history got a chance to speak about the passion and love that Bangabandhu expressed at the people's reception at all levels. Emotional Bangabandhu said at that auspicious time; my Bangladesh has become independent today. "My Bangladesh has been independent today, my life's desire has been fulfilled today, the people of my Bengal have been liberated today. My Bengal will remain free. Today I won't be able to make a speech. The way the sons of Bengal, the mothers of Bengal, the peasants of Bengal, the laborers of Bengal, the intellectuals of Bengal did struggle, I was imprisoned, was ready and waiting to go to the gallows. But I knew that they could not suppress my Bangalees. The people of my Bengal would be liberated."
Read More: ‘Intense, fragile, powerful’: Forbes effusively lauds Paris exhibit on Bangladesh’s birth, Bangabandhu
Sitting in a dark cell of a prison (multiple prisons - Karachi, Faisalabad) and dreaming of freedom, he was not sure he would return to his beloved motherland alive. "I did not know I would return to you", fascinated by the motherland, Bangabandhu uttered. "I have come. I did not know I was sentenced to death by hanging. A grave was dug for me beside my cell. I prepared myself, I said I'm a Bangalee, I'm a man, I'm a Muslim-who dies once not twice. I said, if death comes to me, I'll die laughing."
Although Bangabandhu was imprisoned in Pakistan from March 26, 1971 to January 8, 1972 (9 months and 12 days), obviously he was alive in Bangladesh's consciousness and liberation struggle, and inspired them for nine months. He was the President of the Mujibnagar Government and the first President of the country. In his physical absence or absence, the four national leaders conducted the Mujibnagar government i.e., the war of liberation, by embracing his ideals, thoughts, and consciousness.
Although he was in prison in Pakistan, he was not unaware of the atrocities that the Pakistanis had inflicted on the Bengalis in the nine-month war. Mentioning that 3 million people have been killed in the war, Bangabandhu aggrieved, "In the Second World War and also in the First World War, such a number of people, such a number of common citizens did not die, were not martyred, which happened in my 7-crore people's Bangladesh." While in prison in Pakistan, he was never disturbed or intimidated by the thought of execution. His compassion for the country was expressed in his speech: "I told just one thing, I have no objection if you kill me. Please return my dead body to my Bangalees, this is my only request to you."
He was a prison, but he believed that no one could keep the Bengalis in suppress. Bangladesh would be independent. And so he prepared in his mind about what to build an independent country. That is why he did not have to hurry or take time to concentrate on the task of building a Sonar Bangla, including the drafting of the constitution in the earliest possible time.
The ruthless Pakistani military could not kill this great humane-the leader of the seven-crore Bangali. But he had to give his life in the hands of his 'loved' ones, in the plan of the very own traitors, while the chief mastermind Mushtaq sent the cooked the sand duck to Bangabandhu's home just two days ago (13 August). Who knew that this 'lovely' feast was also an exercise in plotting to assassinate Bangabandhu! By killing Bangabandhu, the murderous circle silenced his dream of Sonar Bangla. The Bangladeshi forms of politics that he has formulated in this country taken from the soil and people's lives was also blocked. When the people of Bangladesh, under the leadership of Bangabandhu, were determined to transform the country into Sonar Bangla in a democratic state system with a secular mindset of the 1970s, they stopped that progress by killing him and went back to the 'religion'-centric social divisions like the 1940s.
Read More: What Was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Childhood Like?
But the killers did not know that Bangabandhu could be killed and could not be kept suppressed (dabay rakha). He was, is, and will, always be. That is why the people overthrew the then military government in the late 1990s, overcoming all obstacles and bearing his secular mentality. He has always been equally popular, no matter whether his party is in power or not. For example, in a 2004 BBC poll, Bangabandhu was elected the greatest Bengali of all time (then the BNP-led government in power (2001-2006)). In 2005, the High Court quashed the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution and ruled to restore the 1972 constitution, which was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2010. Meanwhile, since 2010, people have rallied in various places, including the capital, to restore the 1972 constitution. In this favorable environment, the government led by his daughter restored the main provisions of the 1972 constitution in 2011. In addition to any emergency of the Awami League, Bangabandhu is still more relevant and influential in any crisis of the nation. As long as Bangladesh, so long Bangabandhu. In fact, Bangladesh and Bangabandhu are synonymous.
On the question of Bangabandhu's relevance, Bengali economist and Nobel laureate Amartya Sen recently stated that 'Bangabandhu and his ideals are still relevant'. He further emphasized that Bangabandhu's philosophy and ideology should be imitated in the conflicting contemporary world, especially in South and South-East Asia. Bangabandhu's need for secularism and religious freedom in resolving ethnic and religious conflicts not only in Asia but also in the Western world is undeniable and socialist democracy is essential to build an exploitation-free society. The country lost its genuine architect and friend- Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib a quarter century ago. But he was, is, will be in the arteries of Bengalis: "As long as Padma, Meghna, Gouri, Jamuna flows on, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, your accomplishment will also live on."
Read More: Ideals of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Can Inspire the Young Generation
Dr. Ala Uddin, Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Chittagong. Email: [email protected]
Why hasn’t the UN recognised 1971 Bangladesh Genocide yet?
Seventy-five years after the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide came into force, one of its glaring failures has been not recognising the 1971 Bangladesh genocide and the 2017 genocide against the Rohingyas in Myanmar.
This not only saddens us in Bangladesh, it also upsets many who have followed large scale massacre of human beings in various parts of the post-colonial world.
Polish Jewish refugee lawyer Raphael Lemkin coined the word “genocide” in 1943 to describe the killing and destruction of people. The word is derived from the Greek “genos” (people, tribe or race) and the Latin “cide” (killing) against the backdrop of the Holocaust, that Winston Churchill said was a “crime without a name”. But Churchill’s double-standards remained the enduring feature of Western standpoint on how they look at a genocide or large scale engineered deaths.
Churchill, the British “hero” who guided the Allies to victory in World War II and who attacked Hitler and the Nazis over the Jewish Holocaust, has been held responsible for triggering the Bengal famine that led to 3 million deaths in what was then undivided Bengal, the largest province of British India.
Read more: 'Recognising the Bangladesh Genocide of 1971': ICSF welcomes US Congress initiative
Madhusree Mukerjee, whose “Churchill’s Secret War” created waves and rattled many a British colonial apologist, has gone on record to equate Hitler’s extermination of 10 million Jews with Churchill’s presiding over the death of three million Bengalis through a famine orchestrated by policies linked to the British war effort.
On December 9, 1948, the international community formally adopted a definition of genocide within the 1948 Convention – essentially enshrining the message of “never again” in international law.
Rachel Burns of the York University questions whether the convention has achieved what it set out to do and focused on three of its key areas of failure.
· First, the very application of the term “genocide” is applied too slowly and cautiously when atrocities happen.
· Second, the international community fails to act effectively against genocides.
· Third, too few perpetrators are actually convicted of their crimes.
Read more: Declare Pakistan army action in 1971 ‘Genocide’: US congressmen introduce resolution
Burns points to the many genocides that have occurred since the 1948 Convention and its ratification in 1951, and then points to the only three that have been legally recognised – and led to trials – under the convention: Rwanda in 1994, Bosnia (and the 1995 Srebrenica massacre), and Cambodia under the 1975-9 Pol Pot regime.
Burns refers to the widespread killing and displacement of Yazidi by IS and of Rohingyas in Myanmar which are ongoing and recognised by the UN as a whole, but are yet to be officially recognised as genocides by some individual states. Similarly, 13 years after atrocities took place in the Sudanese region of Darfur, criminal investigations continue but no official charges of genocide have been made under the convention.
Political scientist Adam Jones names the genocides committed under Saddam Hussein against the Kurds in 1988-91 in Iraq, and the genocide committed by West Pakistan forces against Bangladeshis in 1971.
“And the list of ‘genocides’ that might fall under the UN definition is frighteningly long. The International Criminal Court is investigating several states in which human rights violations and war crimes ‘may’ have occurred,” says Rachel Burns.
Read more: 1971 genocide: Need to work together to get recognition from UN, says DU VC
As a passionate and patriotic Bangladeshi, I would like to argue that the UN should prioritize recognising the 1971 East Pakistan genocide against Bengalis for three reasons:
· The number of people killed in then East Pakistan by Pakistani forces (regular army and collaborators) between March and December 1971 far exceeds the numbers of victims of the three genocides recognised by the UN. Nearly 3 million Bengalis of all faiths were massacred by the Pakistani forces. In comparison, 1.5 to 2 million deaths occurred at the hands of the murderous Khmer Rouge but these deaths were over a four year period between 1975 and 1979. Between 500000 to 650000 Tutsis were massacred by Hutus during the Rwandan civil war between April and August 1994. And the Balkan genocide casualty toll never crossed six digits.
· The genocide in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) was not just limited to random killings but involved both targeted murders (of intellectuals to leave behind a brain deficit) and also largescale rapes (nearly 300,000) of Bengali women as well as arson.
· This genocide was carried out by the Pakistan army – and not by militias – which has since been designated by US and NATO as an “useful ally in the war against terror”.
Read More: Chitra erosion threatens mass grave of 1971 in Magura
A recognition of the 1971 East Pakistan genocide by the UN is not only important for the global body to regain its credibility and effectiveness but also to expose a military institution which is seen as of much strategic value in the West.
The West has been fooled, somewhat willfully, into believing that the Pakistan army is useful in fighting terror in Afghanistan. There is enough evidence now to suggest that the Pakistani generals were always running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. They were allowing US and NATO a springboard for anti-Taliban operations but were also allowing Taliban safe shelter, training and weapons in Pakistan, without which the Taliban would have never survived, let alone emerge victorious to take over the country.
The least the West, especially the US (which is very vocal about human rights violations in Bangladesh now), can do is to take the initiative to officially recognise the 1971 East Pakistan genocide. They should stop fooling their own citizens and taxpayers about the role of the Pakistani army in the war against terror. By recognising the 1971 genocide, they can hold the Pakistan army accountable for denying Bengalis the right to life during the Liberation War. Recognition of both 1971 East Pakistan genocide and the 2017 Rohingya genocide will help call out and expose two evil military institutions who threaten democracy and dignity of life in our part of the world. It is high time the West stops chasing phantoms and does its bit to punish mass murderers in our region. Otherwise, their sermons on human rights just ring hollow.
Read More: Brave Women Freedom Fighters of Bangladesh’s 1971 Liberation War
Seventy-five years after the UN Convention, Nobel laureate and Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel’s “never again” for genocide remains “a prayer, a promise, a vow” but also a frequent reality. And their frequent recurrence owes much to how many genocides have gone unrecognised and unpunished.
Tarana Halim, an actress and lawyer, is a former Bangladeshi minister. She is now president of Bangabandhu Sanskritic Jote, a front for cultural movement against radicalism. She is also a member of Awami League central committee.
Deconstructing BNP’s “State Reform” Agenda
On December 19, 2022, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) announced its much hyped plans for “structural state reforms” in the form of twenty-seven proposals which they pledged to implement if voted back to power. While it is commendable that BNP has actually articulated its policy positions, the list itself left one underwhelmed and thoroughly unimpressed.
A closer look at each of the proposals reveals that apart from a few serious proposals regarding structural changes to the state which arguably merit further discussion, most are actually regurgitation of past manifesto proposals, academic discussion topics, and long-standing civil society talking points. Most are matters of government policy as opposed to state-structure, while some are inherently contradictory to the politics of BNP and their key allies, including Jamaat-E-Islami, thereby making them seem disingenuous.
For the ease of discussion, I have grouped the twenty-seven points into six broad categories: serious, routine, ambiguous, confusing, contradictory, and problematic.
‘Serious’ includes those proposals which merit further informed discussion. Unfortunately, only four points deserve such attention, namely, the proposals for a constitutional reform commission, election-time non-party caretaker government, an upper house of parliament, and strengthening local government. Here too, the matters are not completely clear-cut.
For instance, what does BNP mean by “undemocratic, unreasonable, and controversial” amendments that the constitutional commission would look into? Would this, for instance, include the fifth amendment to the constitution enacted in 1979 by General Ziaur Rahman? The same amendment which fundamentally changed the nature of the constitution by, among others, replacing Bengali nationalism with Bangladeshi nationalism, removing the ban on religious parties, giving constitutional protection to the killers of Bangabandhu and his family members, and removing secularism and adding "absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah" in the preamble.
Read: Burden of Bangladesh’s economic and political stability must be shared
It is unclear how a non-party caretaker system can be introduced when the Supreme Court has already authoritatively ruled on its legality. It is also debatable whether an upper house of parliament would be beneficial for a country like Bangladesh or simply add to the deeply ingrained system of patronages.
While BNP aspires to make local government stronger, their assertion cannot be taken seriously without knowing what exactly BNP plans to do differently from Bangladesh’s decades long, largely unsuccessful, experimentations with various formats of local government.
‘Routine’ includes those proposals which political governments are expected to carry out anyway as general matters of governance and do not involve structural changes to the state. Additionally, some of these pledges seemed to have been made in ignorance of steps undertaken in the last fourteen years in Bangladesh.
For instance, reconstitution of constitutional, statutory and public institutions, happens anyway following transition of power and/or expiry of tenure. By the same token, it is expected that governments should be, as a matter of good governance, ensuring fair wages of the working class. The wages of RMG sector workers have been increased multiple times during the current government's successive tenures since 2009. Additionally, the existing Labour Act of 2006 (amended in 2018) provides for a review of workers' wages every five years.
When BNP talks about developing the armed forces with the supreme spirit of patriotism, the question that naturally arises is, as opposed to what? I do not believe lack of patriotism has ever been an issue for our armed forces. BNP is also stating the obvious when it talks about formulating time-befitting youth policies. It should be noted that Bangladesh, as late as in 2017, formulated a very modern youth policy in consultation with national and international stakeholders such as the Commonwealth Secretariat and the UNFPA. A national plan of action is now being implemented to realise the objectives of the said policy.
When BNP pledges to make education ‘need-based’ and ‘knowledge-based’, it is a reminder of their pledge before the 2018 election to introduce 3G mobile technology, when the country had already rolled out 4G nationwide! Bangladesh is currently implementing the objectives of the Education Policy, 2011, ‘ICT in Education’ masterplan, and the UN sustainable development goals regarding quality education, which are much more extensive, time-befitting and adaptable than the aspirations outlined by BNP.
It is noble that BNP wants to ensure that farmers get fair prices for their agricultural produce. But this is a very complex issue for a market economy and simple aspirations will not do. BNP must be able to make their case as to what mechanisms they are envisaging, over and above existing mechanisms such as agricultural credit, subsidies, or crop insurance, to achieve this aim.
Read: Mission Smart Bangladesh: AL's vision for the next phase of development
BNP has pledged to introduce a UK’s National Health Service (NHS)-like universal healthcare system. It appears that their self-exiled leader Tarique Rahman, currently living in London, has been very impressed by the NHS. This subjectivity makes this suggestion whimsical and capricious. Would the BNP have suggested Singapore’s healthcare system for replication had Tarique taken shelter there instead of the UK?
The UK has one of the largest and most efficient income tax collection system which ensures that everyone with formal employment contributes to the state coffers through a national insurance (NI) system. This large revenue net forms the basis of their welfare state. Can the same be said for Bangladesh? Without any extensive research on this issue, it is dangerous to simply want to replicate another country’s system, especially one which is substantially different in socio-economic terms.
While I agree with the principle of working towards universal health coverage (UHC), as recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO), without any guidance whatsoever as to the main challenge of healthcare financing, it is difficult to take up this proposal for discussion.
‘Ambiguous’ includes those proposals which have provided for certain visions, as opposed to concrete proposals, lacking requisite details to be taken seriously. For instance, BNP says they want to balance the power of the President, Prime Minister, and Cabinet Ministers, but does not specify how. It is doubtful whether this is even possible while retaining the existing Westminster format of ‘first-past-the-poll’ electoral system.
Although the BNP has expressed its intention to amend the 2022 law for appointment of the election commissioners, they have not identified why this is necessary, or what alternative system they are proposing. By the same token, no idea or plans have been given as to how they plan to make the judiciary "effectively" independent.
BNP also intends to form a number of commissions for administrative reforms, media reforms, and the economy. However, no details are provided as to what such commissions are meant to achieve. One academic has jokingly commented in social media that perhaps these points are meant to entice the consultants of such subjects with the prospect of future consultancies!
BNP has pledged to repeal all ‘black laws’, including indemnity for the power sector. It is fascinating to hear about ‘black laws’ from a party which gave constitutional protection to the indemnification of Bangabandhu’s killers under General Zia, and indemnification for rights abuses committed during the 2002 ‘Operation Clean Heart’ under Begum Zia.
‘Confusing’ includes those proposals for which BNP itself has not been able to reach a position. BNP says they will ‘examine’ Article 70 of the constitution. This is actually a pretty straightforward issue, either MPs are allowed to vote against their parties or they are not (subject to certain exceptions). Similarly, they talked about “considering” increasing the age for entering government service, but did not take any clear position. This issue, as far as I am aware, is being ‘considered’ by the current government too.
‘Contradictory’ includes those proposals which do not seem compatible with BNP’s or their allies’ long-standing political positions and/or their past performance records. They have pledged to fight corruption, ensure the rule of law, and better protect human rights. While these are noble aspirations to have for a political party, apart from the ambiguity as to their course of action, there is considerable doubt as to whether these will be possible to be achieved by a party led by Tarique Rahman, described as a ‘symbol of kleptocratic government’, who ran a parallel government from Hawa Bhaban, and orchestrated grenade attacks on his political opponents.
Read: Can a British legal adviser for Jamaat be considered an ‘independent voice’ for human rights?
BNP has also pledged to not tolerate any terrorist activity in Bangladesh. This is an admission of sorts, implying they did so before. This is a dubious proposition at best, given the level of state-sponsorship received by such terror groups as Haarkat-Ul-Jihad Bangladesh (HuJi-B) and Jamaatul Mujhaeedin Bangladesh (JMB) during the last BNP-Jamaat Government, and the fact that no change in leadership has transipred in the meantime.
BNP has pledged to work for religious freedom and women empowerment. This is doubtful coming from BNP, given their Islamist allies’ position regarding religious minorities and women. People still remember the nationwide violence perpetrated against Hindus following the 2001 parliamentary elections and the regular pogroms against the Ahmadiyas between 2001 and 2006. As for women, in 2011, when the Awami League formulated one of the most progressive women’s policies in Bangladesh’s history, BNP supported the opposition to the policy mounted by the extremist group Hefazat-E-Islam.
‘Problematic’ refers to those proposals which, while disguised as reform issues, seem to be motivated by ulterior intentions. For instance, BNP says they want to build a ‘Rainbow Nation’, but on the basis of ‘Bangladeshi nationalism’. Bangladeshi nationalism is basically a concept manufactured by General Zia as a means of countering the notion of Bengali nationalism, a founding value of the Liberation War. Its articulation is provided clearly in the preamble and Article 9 of the constitution. If they were serious about inclusivity and non-discrimination, they could have simply pledged to enact an anti-discrimination legislation.
They have also pledged to compile a list of all martyrs of the Liberation War. This is a particularly problematic point coming from BNP, which had within its highest forum, a convicted war criminal right until his execution, Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury. Other convicted war criminals like Abdul Alim were BNP leaders too. People were shocked by Khaleda Zia’s comments that there is controversy regarding the number of martyrs. BNP’s key ally Jamaat, an organization which produced some of Bangladesh’s most notorious war criminals, and which has itself been convicted of war crimes as an organization, has long been trying to stoke the ‘numbers’ debate for years. It is clear that this proposal, which has nothing to do with structure of the state, has ulterior motives and hence, should be treated with extreme prejudice.
The above analysis inevitably leads one to some harsh conclusions, including that BNP has a fundamental misunderstanding as to the distinction between structural reforms and policy changes. They also seem to be equating the state with governments.
Some of their pledges, while noble, cannot be taken seriously given the lack of requisite details, while it is difficult to have faith on some of their other pledges, given their own long-standing political history and past performances in government.
Shah Ali Farhad is a lawyer, researcher, and political activist. He is currently working as senior political associate at the Centre for Research and Information (CRI), and previously served as a special aide to the Prime Minister.
Don’t stop , Mubasshar Bhai
He had been in indifferent health for quite a while and once words had even been passed around that he wasn’t going to make it. A friend Swapan circulated a post on messenger seeking God’s blessings for his recovery and I posted it. But then he improved and his daughter Sonia Kristy, my colleague of almost a quarter century, said that he was getting better. It was such a relief.
Yet last night at midnight I suddenly wanted to check up on him but thought that it was too late to call. The next morning was the message from Kristy saying he had passed away. This is not a public figure dying, it’s somebody close I know and respect. It hit me like a brick. I have lost a person close to me in so many ways.
The Freedom Fighter
Many are driven by their conscience but not all act upon it. Mubassher bhai didi and in 1971, the newly married person left his bride and went to war. Not many from his class and generation did. But then he was always different from others in this respect. He was in every sense, a man of conscience.
I hate to say this but some freedom fighters of his kind took advantage of the situation once the war was over. In 1972, from street looting to occupying abandoned houses , was common and many gave in to temptation. I know of an FF who took away a decorated fancy set of sofa from a house he was protecting. Knowing such matters means there were those who fell from their own grace.
And this is one aspect which made me respect Mubasshar bhai more than others. Not an inch of dirt ever smeared his hands. His 1971 war was almost a personal affair about establishing his and his people’s integrity. He stood taller than others, a man who could claim he had never touched dirt with his hands in his life.
The missionary man
Mubasshar bhai was an architect and designed some of the most innovative buildings in the city including the Grameen Bank one but that was almost a secondary activity. He was always busy serving his conscience and prodding the same of others. He wanted a fair and just society where force would not be used to gain anything. In particular, violation of rights in the built environment of Dhaka and the open space were his major concerns . Sometimes his work was successful , often not but he kept walking , a man truly possessed of and by his conscience.
He never ran out of missions because violations are so many and he was indefatigable because for him , nothing else mattered. He was not just doing what came naturally to him and that was his reward. Nothing else mattered and till the last day standing, he fought on.
He was often on TV and I have sat with him several times in the same panel. He was the same relentless person there, arguing for rights without any concern for personal gain. Most people knew him as the fearless one on TV talk shows but he was fearless everywhere. He never made tea and coffee with his 1971 badge to distribute to others but just to his guns on right and wrong and just kept firing away. The battlefield, the protection of space movement and the talk shows were the same , a place to say and do what is right and condemn what is wrong.
So Mubasshar bhai , keep going , keep going, just don’t stop. See you!
Do sanctions ever work?
The US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control on December 10, 2021, that is International Human Rights Day, revealed that the US has imposed sanctions on the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), a special security force unit of Bangladesh. A number of individuals and entities across the globe who perpetrated or had a connection to human rights violations were also included in the US “sanction” list. The justification apparently lies in the US’ strenuous efforts to encourage the accountability for human rights violations and prevent abuse worldwide. In the same press release, the complementary role of countries like the UK in taking initiatives with similar intentions was highlighted, especially in the context of human rights abuse in Burma.
UK, however, did not impose sanction on Rab for reasons whatsoever, according to a report by Al Jazeera. Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman, liaison officer at the Asian Human Rights Commission, was quoted in the report as saying, “The expectation was that the UK and US, being strong allies, would be collaborating with each other by announcing back-to-back sanctions. The US did that on the 10th of December, the UK didn’t.”
Read more: ‘No reason to worry’ about new US sanctions: Momen
By referring to Toby Cadman, who was Jamaat’s legal advisor, the Al Jazeera report stated that the governments do not impose sanctions when there are no strong evidential basis. Cadman expressed his surprise that the UK did not seek any further clarifications or information regarding the evidence. Ashrafuzzaman further added that the same evidence on which the US relied to impose sanctions was sent to the UK.
In line with the report published by Al Jazeera, Chris Bryant, a Labour party legislator, questioned the last-minute stepping back of the UK during one of the sessions in the UK Parliament. Moreover, it is worth mentioning that during the “Briefing on the Human Rights Situation in Bangladesh” at the European Parliament in Brussels, Tasneem Khalil, editor-in-chief of Netra News, invited the EU to impose sanctions as the US did. In so doing, Khalil contended that the US sanction somehow led to “positive changes” in the country.
During the Cold War period, the United Nations Security Council imposed only two sanctions. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, sanctions were imposed on a number of countries. For this reason, George Lopez termed that as the “Sanctions Decade”. The declared objectives of sanctions include the prevention of any aggression by any state, restoration of democracy, protection of human rights, counter-terrorism, disarmament, bringing peace to the warring states, etc.
One writer puts forward, “Sanctions are the political tools that stand between diplomacy and guns, the midway between negotiations and soldiers.” Recognizing this, the UNGA Resolution No 2131 of1965 i.e. Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty states in article 1 that “[n]o State has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any State”.
The desired goals of sanctions could be very assuasive, but the hidden and, arguably, true goals are achieving geopolitical interests. Joseph E Stiglitz, who received a Nobel Memorial Prize in economics, said, “The United States appears to have entered a new cold war with both China and Russia. And US leaders’ portrayal of the confrontation as one between democracy and authoritarianism fails the smell test, especially at a time when the same leaders are actively courting a systematic human rights abuser like Saudi Arabia. Such hypocrisy suggests that it is at least partly global hegemony, not values, that is really at stake.” Depending on the geopolitical interests, the United States overlooks the lack of democracy and violations of human rights in some countries and overemphasizes such violations or propaganda thereof in other countries. We should remember that a half-truth is more dangerous than a falsity.
Read more: Rights experts decry advocacy of Jamaat’s British legal adviser to impose sanctions
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said in a press conference held on October 6, 2022, that the Rab was established in 2004 on the advice of the United States and was also trained in the same country. In this regard, she also questioned if the United States was unhappy with the anti-terrorist initiatives undertaken by the Rab.
We need to remind ourselves that the law enforcement mechanisms in this country have roots in the colonial period. During that time, repressive policing was a part of the colonial governance system. David Arnold, a historian, in one of his essays stated that the modern police system developed in Britain in tandem with the development of capitalism. The police system, however, did not treat British citizens with violent behavior. Quite the contrary, the British colonial rulers in Ireland or South Asia allowed the police to be violent. Although the responsibility for continuing this colonial system lies in us, western countries still encourage us to have a police system imbued with colonialism. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina indicates the same in her statement. The West does not apply the human rights principles equally, especially when they foster one system for US citizens and another for foreigners. The human rights violations of US soldiers in Abu Ghraib prison, or Guantanamo Bay detention center are concrete examples of this hypocrisy.
There is no evidence as such that imposed sanctions have ever come to fruition. For example, even with more than sixty years of sanctions on Cuba, the United States has not achieved its desired goals. Cuba surpasses even the wealthiest nation in terms of education and medical care. Additionally, in the first decade of this century, western countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom imposed sanctions against land reform in Zimbabwe. In this case, the sanction also did not succeed in attaining its desired goal even when there were allegations that the Zimbabwean government was destroying democratic institutions.
The writer is former Chairman, National Human Rights Commission.
Mission Smart Bangladesh: AL's vision for the next phase of development
In the run up to the 2008 national election, a look at the election manifestos of the two major political parties — Bangladesh Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party — would reveal a lack of vision on BNP’s part in terms of infusing a sense of transformation on the country’s digital landscape.
While BNP’s manifesto revolved around “save country, save people”, something never-before communicated and now proven far ahead of time came from AL. A pledge of Digital Bangladesh, a concept unheard of in the youngest nation in South Asia, back then seemed to resonate with the countrymen well.
AL won the election with an unprecedented majority in 2008.
Before that, in the completely analog country, expensive internet and costly talk time for mobile users defined the ambit of digitization.
But since 2009, began a silent revolution that brought in real and measurable gains on the front of the digital landscape. With digital centers expanded at the grassroots, people were getting public services at fingertips, freelancers were making money from outsourcing, while a record rise in internet and mobile users emerged as a key success in the process.
Read: ‘The energy and magnetism in Sheikh Mujib’s voice in 1972 made me understand why he was a leader of the people’
The introduction of mobile financial services (MFS), fueled by rapid rise in terms of users, already grabbed global attention while distribution of social safety net schemes through MFS benefited the countrymen. At the height of Covid-19 pandemic, in those tumultuous times, the successful distribution of safety schemes for affected people through MFS stands as a shining testament to the country’s strength achieved over the years.
And the emergence of Covid-19 posed as a big threat for the country’s digital might with lockdowns imposed across the country. Now a growing global acclamation for Bangladesh’s success in Covid-19 management stands reflective of the strength the country achieved so far.
When schools to colleges and universities remained closed, distance learning saved the day for students, thanks to the expansion of internet. No wonder the country now even boasts of having a satellite of its own, a dream placed by the founding father of the nation after the country’s independence but realized decades later through the hands of her daughter and grandson.
From the Science and Technology Affairs Subcommittee, a key affiliate body of Awami League, we gathered a pool of doctors and opened a round-the-clock health helpline that provided guidance for patients calling to seek medication help.
Architect of Digital Bangladesh
“My son Sajeeb Wazed gave me lessons on using smartphones and operation of computers” is what AL chief Sheikh Hasina revealed to public to give a hint at the role of her son Sajeeb Wazed, who has been a key enabler for all the accomplishments on the digital front. As the Prime Minister’s ICT Adviser, Sajeeb Wazed has presided over the penetration of GenNext InfoTech into all spheres of life – from online schooling to digital monetary transactions.
Read: Sheikh Russel: A light extinguished by demons
Bangladesh got the best of that digital transformation during the coronavirus catastrophe across the world. It managed to keep its economy going through a wide spectrum of digital activities, including telemedicine, virtual court, and delivering money to the poor through mobile platforms and e-commerce. Its better growth trajectory during Covid-19 than its bigger neighbours owes much to this all-encompassing digitalisation.
A University of Texas graduate in Computer Engineering and a Harvard post-graduate in Public Administration, Sajeeb Wazed is credited with the milestone the country achieved with regards to technological advancement.
Smart Bangladesh, Next Vision
With the next national election almost a year away, AL has floated a new course of charter before the nation once more and a target has been set to transform the country into a smart one.
“We want to go for a cashless society,” pledged Sajeeb Wazed recently before a group of young change-makers. This pledge marks a pointer to a next course of action plan for the party, a step that would surely help the country’s pursuit to become a developed nation by 2041.
A month back Awami League arranged the first international conference of its kind in the country that saw hundreds of prominent experts submit their research papers with a focus on the next course of work required in all key sectors to adapt to the fourth industrial revolution.
The overwhelming response from a host of relevant global experts with a message from the IEEE president welcoming the initiative also symbolizes the relevance of the party’s initiative. A top expert panel of academics analyzed those papers and we would submit a set of recommendations to our party chief.
Digital Bangladesh kicked off upgradation of fundamentals or a launching pad towards a developed nation, and the vision of Smart Bangladesh is all about taking the nation to a new height — a developed one.
The writer is Science and Technology Affairs Secretary, Bangladesh Awami League.
Interference in domestic issues only tarnishes US public image in Bangladesh
Diplomats are taught one big lesson in training academies – learn to respect national sensitivities in countries of posting. No wonder, the US Consul-General in Kolkata, Melinda Pavek, is found pandal-hopping during Durga Puja in a saree and photographed with folded hands before Goddess Durga.
Perhaps, this diplomatic grace is something US Ambassador in Dhaka, Peter Haas, could learn.
One would expect him to join senior diplomats in paying homage to Bangladesh’s martyrs on December 14 and 16 – at least to overcome the national guilt and make up for the Nixon-Kissinger backing of the 1971 genocide by Yahya Khan’s Pakistani military junta.
Read more: US envoy’s visit to Mayer Dak coordinator’s house won’t hurt ties: Info Minister
The US never sounded enthusiastic over Bangladesh’s demand for UN recognition of the 1971 genocide, despite unthinkable casualties and brutalities on record. Former Bangladeshi minister and a renowned cultural personality, Tarana Halim, has recently said that the US and western reluctance over UN recognition of the 1971 genocide, perhaps, stems from considering Pakistan as a “strategic asset” and not intending to upset its military.
Be that as it may, many US voices like former Consul General in Dhaka Archer Blood came out strongly to condemn the 1971 genocide and also pull up the Nixon-Kissinger duo for being on “the wrong side of history”. Bangladesh’s friends include renowned Democrat senator Edward Kennedy as well.
If Peter Haas was out to win hearts and minds in Bangladesh, the least he could do would be to pay his respects to the martyrs at the memorial. But ironically, not even a single post honouring the martyrs from US embassy’s Facebook page appeared on December 14.
Read more: Human rights are at the center of US foreign policy: US Embassy
For a country like US that respects and values merit and talent, the assassination of the brightest minds of Bangladesh should be particularly abhorrent. Just two days before the public surrender on December 16, 1971, the Pakistan army – with active assistance from Jamaat-e-Islami and other local collaborators – abducted and killed more than 1,000 top Bengali academics, writers, cultural personalities, and celebrated professionals to leave the new nation with a brain deficit.
Peter Haas apparently had no time for national mourning on December 14 or Victory Day celebrations on December 16. He, however, found time to visit the house of a BNP activist who had reportedly disappeared. Then, he set out to stir a diplomatic storm by alleging his security had been compromised due to a crowd of justice-seekers whose near and dear ones were executed under BNP founder General Ziaur Rahman’s administration.
After Gen Zia’s rise to power – months after the assassination of Father of the Nation Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, over 1000 armed forces officials, many of whom were freedom fights, were victims of extrajudicial killings during Zia’s violent purges within the military.
Broad hints were dropped that Haas’ plan to visit the BNP activist’s home was leaked and that the government had “organized the heckling”.
Read more: US Ambassador visits residence of the coordinator of ‘Mayer Dak’ in city
An explanation from the victim families cleared the air about their hurried gathering outside the house the US ambassador was visiting on that morning. Turning out after hearing of the presence of the US ambassador, these victim families – under the platform of ‘Mayer Kanna’ (tears of mothers) – attempted to draw attention to their long pending calls for justice before Haas. They were not terrorists, and ignoring their call was a display of bias.
Its role in favour of the Pakistani army that carried out the 1971 genocide and sheltering killers of the country’s founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, have done little to improve the US public image in Bangladesh.
The presence of someone as important as the US ambassador is likely to attract attention whenever his convoy moves into a densely populated Dhaka area. Families of victims of disappearance may seek intervention since the US embassy announced that human rights are “at the center” of US foreign policy.
Read more: Families of armed forces officers executed during Zia regime seek US ambassador’s intervention for justice
If one knows Bangladesh and Bengalis, some cross-shouting is entirely expected. It could also be an effort to pass the blame onto Awami League.
Can Haas win hearts and minds in Bangladesh by demonstrating a bias towards a coalition whose last government (2001-06) was seen as responsible for the huge spurt in terrorism?
Sukharanjan Dasgupta is a Kolkata-based commentator and author of “Midnight Massacre” on the 15 August 1975 coup.
Burden of Bangladesh’s economic and political stability must be shared
Like many developing countries across the world, Bangladesh has been hit hard by the pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Compared to many of its neighbours however, the South Asian nation was able to handle the first, and still ongoing, public health crisis quite well.
So far, the country has fully vaccinated more than 120 million people. It also managed to secure 3.45% economic growth during the peak of the pandemic while many others experienced negative growth.
The fact that recovery was well underway was clear when Bangladesh secured 6.94% growth and received US$ 3.44 billion foreign direct investment in 2021-22 fiscal year. The FDI received represented a 37% year-on-year growth.
A number of social security schemes were launched to protect the most marginalised of society, while businesses (both small and large) received various economic stimulus packages. In total, 28 financial and incentive packages were implemented with a budget of more than US$18 billion. The packages benefited 73 million people and 172,000 organisations.
But the consequences of the second crisis, the Russia-Ukraine conflict hit Bangladesh harder, and led to sharp widening of the country's current account deficit, a decline in its foreign exchange reserves, among others.
However, if Bangladesh is one thing, its resilient. The economic indicators have started to look up in recent weeks. The main sources of Bangladesh’s foreign earnings are its garments exports and earnings sent home by migrant workers.
In November, Bangladesh exported goods worth more than US$5 billion, a monthly record, and earned US$ 1.59 billion from remittances, up by 4.5% from October. The first quarter of 2022-23 FY also saw FDI inflow increase to $1.16 billion, a 28% Y-o-Y rise.
According to the Boston Consulting Group, despite the gloomy global economic climate, the demonstrated resilience of Bangladesh and the measures it is taking should allow it to remain on course to become a trillion dollar economy by 2040, and the ninth largest consumer market globally by 2030.
However, given the uncertainty surrounding global developments, the pressure on the balance of payment is likely to continue. As a result, Bangladesh preemptively approached the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and has since reached a preliminary agreement for a US$ 4.5 billion financing. The preemptive nature of the loan distinguishes it somewhat from both Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
Read more: Experts at CPD dialogue want long-term measures to avoid macroeconomic crisis
Rather than assist the government with constructive criticisms and suggestions, as is expected of responsible opposition parties during a crisis, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the main rival of the ruling Awami League, chose this issue to launch their electoral push. And that too, using despicable means.
At the height of the economic crisis in Sri Lanka, BNP, and their key ally, the Islamist Jamaat-E-Islami, launched a coordinated online disinformation campaign that Bangladesh would be the next Sri Lanka by failing on its debt repayment obligations. This was echoed by their senior leaders too. Suffice it to say, no respectable economist and/or analyst supported that conclusion.
In fact, the chatter became so loud that the IMF itself had to clarify that Bangladesh is not in a Sri Lanka-like situation. They noted that while Bangladesh's reserves have declined, they were still high enough to cover 4-5 months of prospective imports. They also pointed out that the debt outlook is expected to remain sustainable as the country has a low risk of debt distress. The public sector debt to GDP ratio stands around 6%, with the external debt to GDP ratio being 14%, well within the safe thresholds.
In the last few months, BNP and their allies have orchestrated at least two other coordinated online disinformation campaigns. One involved spreading misinformation that banks are facing a liquidity crisis, and the other involved lying to expatriate workers that their hard earned incomes would be lost if they used official banking channels to send home remittances.
The fact that these campaigns were not fringe, and did cause panic among expatriates and bank depositors, was demonstrated when the central bank had to issue separate back-to-back statements giving assurances about the safety of both remitted incomes and consumer deposits.
Like its economy, Bangladesh’s politics too, has been making international headlines recently. In particular, much has been said and written about the BNP's December 10 rally in Dhaka, where they presented certain demands in the run up to the next national elections.
Read more: Economy has unease, but no crisis: Shamsul Alam
Looking solely at the international media coverage, one could be forgiven to think that a massive Iran-like anti-government protest just took place at Dhaka. In reality, Dhaka is no Tehran, and the rally was not a spontaneous outburst by the people.
The rally was the tenth such one by BNP in a span of a couple of months, as part of its push in the run up to the next election. Not an uncommon, let alone unique, phenomenon in Bangladesh. As far as crowd sizes go, in Bangladesh's context, the few thousands who attended did not even constitute anything numerically special, let alone spectacular.
In the last few weeks, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's own party, the Awami League, organised several mass political events. At least two of these saw a turnout of a million each.
While the international coverage did mention the clashes which took place between police and activists on December 7, arrests of BNP leaders, and the large security presence on December 10, they did not even fleetingly refer to the reasons or context. On December 7, the police recovered 15 crude bombs from the central office of BNP in Naya Paltan. The clashes, the resulting raid at the BNP office, and arrests only took place after party activists tried to block a busy city street without prior authorisation, and threw handmade bombs on the police from their office rooftop.
The global media also failed to mention that BNP’s central leaders like Amanullah Aman and Shahiduddin Chowdhury Any had been announcing, completely illegally and unconstitutionally, that from December 10 onwards, Bangladesh would be run upon the diktats of Tarique Rahman and Khaleda Zia, thereby further increasing the heightened security sensitivity regarding BNP’s Dhaka rally.
Read more: IMF loan would help economy gain stability in reserves, dollar market: Experts
Since December 10, it has been made clear that BNP’s principal demand (also also that of Jamaat) is the reinstatement of the caretaker government system, which was abolished in 2011 after the Supreme Court ruled that the system is “void and ultra vires the constitution”. The Awami League also objects to the system in principle given its abuse by BNP in 2006 and by the military from 2007-08.
Despite the seemingly irreconcilable differences on the caretaker government issue, the people of Bangladesh are hoping that both political camps can find the heart to resolve the outstanding issues without any violent confrontation.
In the coming months, BNP has signaled to intensify their movement to realise their demands. While the government has a legal duty to respect the opposition's freedoms of assembly and speech, the opposition also has a duty to keep their activities peaceful.
This is important given the terrible human and economic costs suffered by Bangladesh the last time BNP and their allies went for an all-out oust-government movement in late 2013 and early 2014. Hundreds were killed, and thousands were burnt, during BNP-Jamaat’s indiscriminate firebombing campaigns.
While the government alone shoulders the positive responsibility of managing the economy, the opposition, at the very least, has a negative duty not to disrupt the wheels of the economy (for instance by intentionally spreading misinformation).
Moreover, both the government and the opposition must share the burden of maintaining political stability in Bangladesh. Otherwise, the country may not be able to hold on to its hard-earned gains, and navigate the current murky global economic waters successfully.
The author is a lawyer, researcher, and political activist. He is currently working as a senior political associate at the Centre for Research and Information (CRI), a Dhaka-based think-tank. Previously, he served as a special aide to the Bangladesh Prime Minister.
‘The energy and magnetism in Sheikh Mujib’s voice in 1972 made me understand why he was a leader of the people’
Back in the country, whose birth she documented, after half a century – Anne de Henning effortlessly recalls those tumultuous times. The veteran photographer met Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the other surviving family members of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Dhaka’s Dhanmondi 32 Memorial Museum on December 19, 2022 – an event she described as “an emotional family reunion”. Henning photographed Bangabandhu giving a speech at the first Council Meeting of Awami League in independent Bangladesh, in 1972. After Bangabandhu and most of his family members were brutally assassinated in 1975, his images were routinely destroyed. Henning’s colour photos of the Father of the Nation are among the few known to still exist.
During the Liberation War in 1971, when Pakistan army was not allowing foreign photographers to come here, what compelled her to undertake a perilous journey to Bangladesh?
Read more: Anne de Henning’s rare photos of Bangladesh’s birth, Bangabandhu to have Dhaka exhibit Dec 15-24
“I was in Kathmandu at the time, and I saw a dispatch in the local English paper… that trouble had erupted in (then) East Pakistan and that Pakistani authorities had closed the country to the foreign press. And I thought, well, I’m going to go there. As journalists and photographers, when you are told you can’t go somewhere, you know something is going on. So that’s where you want to go,” Henning said.
1971 and the Elderly
The quest for a complete history
In our research work exploring how 1971 events impacted on the marginalized people we have covered the experiences of three population groups. They are: a) the rural people in general b) the experiences of women and c) the history of the Hindu community who were targeted specifically by the Pakistan army. However, there are other groups as well and data collection began a few years back to find out how a few other marginal groups lived or died in 1971.
In dealing/choosing such marginalized groups we find that two criteria apply. One is those who were socio-economically marginal and thus are marginalized in the historical narrative process. The other is the minority marginalized as they have not been found worthy of much attention. Often both criteria apply to the same group.
Read more: 1971 loss a ‘military failure’, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Bilawal says after ex army chief called it ‘political failure’
The Left out majority
Villagers are a prime example of marginalization. Not much work has been done on them but increasingly, analysis shows that villagers held the key to effective resistance, sheltering and participation which made a significant contribution in keeping the occupied state alive. Perhaps this was the most significant contribution of them all. The reason is simple.
The war was played out in several spaces, national and international but the core was occupied Bangladesh. This is where history was produced as the overwhelming majority of Bangladeshis lived there. They bore the brunt of impact through the critical resistance period from March to end April and faced most of the assault. The resistance would also have been impossible without their support.
After the first stage when Pakistan re-captured Bangladesh, many people went to India to be trained to return as fighters. These people found shelter with the villagers which allowed the resistance to happen and ultimately eat through Pakistan’s torso in Bangladesh.
Finally, when the joint India-Bangladesh forces mounted the end game, the villagers' support became critical too. As Gen. Aurora, Chief of the Joint Command said, “It’s the villagers who let us in. Had they not wanted, no army could have entered Bangladesh. “ It shows the enormous historical significance which many historians have not addressed properly.
In this case the majority has been left out by historians because they had no political significance to sustain the ruling class narrative. The same applies to the history of women in 1971.
The marginalized minority
There are other members of the marginalized population who are minority by their population size. At the same time they could also be socio-economically that. A case in point is the situation of the sex workers. We know almost nothing about them as they are in general socially invisible and in history have become lost. But it is in many ways a terribly vulnerable time for them as clients dipped amidst the general insecurity. Did they face starvation? Changed their profession? What was the nature of their suffering?
There is another group about whom we know very little though they cut across several population segments and were very vulnerable: the elderly. The post 65+ population in Bangladesh today is around 20%. As an intersectional community, they represent every segment whether gender, economy, class, habitation or otherwise. However, we have no specific information on how they lived or died in 1971.
Our current work is now focused on these left out groups who are not considered historically significant but who lived suffered and died that year. We are excerpting from two of our case studies.
Read more: 'Recognising the Bangladesh Genocide of 1971': ICSF welcomes US Congress initiative
Somen Das (as told by his son Horen Das )
“Baba was hurt on the night of the 25th when the Pak army torched the Palpara slum. He hurt his feet when we were all trying to run away. It was dark and we tried to cross the ditches and water and Baba slipped and fell. I pulled him up but he couldn’t walk but we couldn’t stay there. Two other people somehow dragged Baba to the other side of the khal and we reached Moghbazar area. “
“ We took shelter in the home of the family where I worked as a gardener and spent the first few days too scared even to go out of the room. Baba was very ill but we didn’t know where to find a doctor. The malik of the home finally got a doctor and he got some treatment but he needed an X-ray which we were too scared to go and get done.. We heard that DMC had been raided and the Pak army was looking for Hindus. He was given some ointment and pain killers, that is all. “
“My sisters and wife were young and sisters also unmarried, and they were my responsibility so I was very worried about them. My wife’s parent’s home was in the Munshiganj interior and we decided to move there with Ma too. Bab couldn’t walk properly and was always in pain. He refused to go and we were stuck. The malik was very kind and asked us to leave Baba with him and we all left. “.
“ We came back after the war and found him alive. He was physically better but his spirit was gone. Palpara was not inhabitable either so we had to move. Ma’s family lived in the old city and Baba refused to go and live in his in-laws' home. He stayed back and did odd carpentry work there. A year later, he slipped and fell down and hurt his head. He was taken to the hospital but he never recovered. “
Rashid Ahmed, Shantinagar (told by Shahed ahmed, his son)
“ The army raided our home because some locals had informed them that Muktis had entered our house. Not true but some people wanted to cause trouble for us. Father was a dementia patient and didn’t know what was going on. He was sitting on a wheelchair and burst into tears like a child. We tried to tell the army that he was sick but they shouted at us and we became silent with fear.”
“After the search was over, they lined us up and said we are lucky that they saw so many jaynamaz (prayer rugs) and Qurans. So they were sure we were not Hindus. But at this moment father screamed and started to howl. One person went and told father to shut up and shook him. He didn’t understand. I said he was an old man and had gone mad. What else could I say ? They laughed and made faces and then left. We were saved and safe but father hadn’t been fed for hours and became very sick.”
More studies of groups needed
In Bangladesh, we are more concerned about “correct “history instead of complete history. Instead of looking for facts, we are looking for political affirmations. The result has been the loss of information about many groups whichever way we define. Before all information is lost, people from such groups can try to document the social-economic history to complete the mosaic that creates the history of 1971.