Opinion
Salahuddin Zaki bhai and the 70s
People who grew up or bloomed in the 70s are also in their seventies now and so many are departing in this fateful decade. Every day we hear the bells ring and it always rings for thee. There will never be a decade like that, the first after liberation when the world was very difficult but also the most promising and fateful. It was a time when people hoped and dreamed, even if in black and white images. Things could only get better felt everyone.
The class or group that felt this intensely was the cultural activists and writers. The shackles had finally been shed and the inevitable dawn waited. They saw culture as an essential ingredient of political life and that often congregated at the center of the Bangladesh universe, the Dhaka University.
At the shanty tea stalls in the campus, the small kerosene wicker lamps would flicker in the evenings. The best and the brightest sat discussing how the world was going to change and they would do it. And one of the stars of many conversations was Syed Saluddin Zaki who passed away on the 18th of September last.
Zaki bhai was 77 and had been ailing. To many who knew him it would almost seem like an excuse for dying. People like him are supposed to go on and on.
The 70s
The war was just over and the smell of victory was in the air, physical and real. And the Dhaka University campus saw an explosion of cultural activities. Of course a small minority went to politics of the extreme variety but most went slightly Left anyway, the flavour of the day mixing social justice in the perfumed garden of independence.
In the University, DUCSU was in the Chhatra Union, the students’ wing of the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB). It was always called “harmonium party” because of its focus on cultural activities. So the environment that was, wasn’t just politics, increasingly getting angrier but cultural activities as well.
But it wasn’t just Salahuddin Zaki bhai. M. Hamid, Nasiruddin Yusuff Bacchu, KM. Harun and many others too. And together they could make many conversations and activities glow.
The 70s saw the rise of the film society movement and many came from the theatre world which was in full swing. Zaki bhai’s play on post 1971 life was a searing indictment of the situation. An FF deeply frustrated with it all, says, “my hands feel empty.” He was referring to a hand which once held a gun that gave him an identity but in the play it became a symbol of the helplessness many felt as challenges grew. Zaki bhai spoke for many.
Pune and afterwards
Zaki bhai and Badal Rahman who later produced “Emile’r goyenda bahini” (Emile and the Detectives) both went to Pune to learn more about the art of film making and returned after getting degrees. They perhaps returned to a slightly changed world that had changed somewhat but the DU campus was a bastion of the 70s culture.
It was also changing but perhaps we noticed it less because the campus scenario had sort of lazy, still hanging onto dreams ambience. It was where the greatest influence on the young wasn’t Marx or Tagore but Shareef Miah, the man who ran the iconic tea stall canteen of Dhaka University selling cheap snacks and a space to dream.
I remember an evening adda at that canteen as the wicker lamp cast shadow and light. Zaki bhai had been busy the whole day and asked for two singaras instead of the usual one. “Haven’t had lunch”, he explained, sipping the sugary tea and munching the dough rolled snacks.
I consider the moment almost symbolic of his time and our era. Missing lunch was common, making it up with two singaras was common too. There was no takeaway number to call and order a fancy on the run lunch in those day, as one spent the evening in a shoddy canteen discussing dream projects.
Later
But the 80s were a time not just of change but assimilation too. Zaki bhai’s most remarkable film was also his first, “Ghuddi”. The film story was based on an FF who suffers from PTSD and later falls in love with Shuborna Mustafa. Nasiruddin Yousuff Bacchu bahi was also in it. It bagged two National Film Awards. Zaki bhai won for the Best Screenplay and Shafiqul Islam Swapan for Best Cinematography who is also an FF.
He later did important official jobs in the media including DG, BTV and so on but his later creative outputs were less. Ghuddi defined his cinematic works. He continued to be active but that sense of the 70s mission and ' ‘two singara” attitude was less. It’s inevitable and affects all of us. But as the 70s faded away, the new decades brought new challenges and rewards for many. And he had done his bit for his time.
So farewell Zaki bhai, you did so well but what you did even better was lead a life which embodied the cultural ethos and history of the 70s. Best wishes and see you soon.
Are we ready to embrace digital banks?
As I entered adulthood into the world of banking more than a decade ago, I remember that I used to wonder why my father, a business man, always used to maintain his bank accounts at the traditional, not so digital at the time, government banks only. I, on the other hand, had my preferences set for private sector bank accounts offering a range of easily available services starting from ATM cards to credit cards to internet banking. Then few years ago, I started making an effort to become more financially conscious about where I choose to bank at, when my widow aunt’s last bit of savings were frozen for cash out due to one of the infamous banks at the time defaulting on payments to many many of their powerless and innocent clients due to the bank’s insolvency to pay out due to a huge corporate loan scam investigation.
I would not like to take a position here as to who used to make the better judgment call as to the credibility of banks to trust their money with - my father with an affinity to trust state-owned banks or me with the affinity to trust my money at the hands of foreign renowned banks. But what does run an alarm to many is the thought that the new digital bank guideline may open up the doorway to a pool of small fish investors with lot less lower paid-up capital that they need to put up as opposed to conventional banks, putting their clients at a whole array of risks to face if things go down the wrong lane. For instance, Bangladesh Bank has set the minimum capital requirement for a digital bank at BDT 125 crore, while for conventional banks, it is BDT 500 crore.
Some fear that what’s even more worrying is that digital banks will apparently make it easier to access loans and the due diligence checks might not be adequate. And the fear may not be unwarranted since quiet a number of financial institutes have made a scam name for themselves when entrusted with loan disbursements.
Few have also expressed concerns that all digital banks in Bangladesh are set to operate as Public
Limited Company (PLC), and they would like to know more about the exposure that this may put clients towards volatilities in the stock markets.
Others worry about the readiness of cybersecurity systems in the country when hackers can steal a billion overnight. At home, many women and the elderlies in particular may also be vulnerable to misuse of their control over money from unauthorized friends and families unless appropriate biometric safeguards are put in place.
On the other hand, not only has the digital bank guidelines gained interests of existing banks, financial institutes, mobile financial services and fintechs, but from ride-sharing companies to e-commerce sites to pharmaceuticals to hotels and gas pumps, everyone seems to want a stake as an expert to do business in this new financial sector in question.
The Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Dialogue’s (CPD), Dr. Fahmida Khatun, recently shared that the minimum limit of paid-up capital was also one of the key reasons for companies without any experience in handling banking services to line up for opening up digitalbanks. The macro-economist also questioned whether the Bangladesh Bank has adequate preparations to regulate such banks. In contrast, columnist Afsan Chowdhury points out that allowing existing commercial banks in the competition may not seem fair and ethical, since what is stopping traditional commercial banks from already giving their clients digital services?
Other issues that are not yet clear are what would be the transferability of the financials within the digital bank systems? Will the digital banks be allowed to monopolize on consumers’ money like our existing mobile financial service (MFS) platforms also? While I love using bkash for example, I don’t like the fact that when I sometimes have to pay up to someone with a Nagad account for instance, inter-exchange of money between the two MFS is not possible, which have also costed me higher transaction costs a few times due to double burden to pay up.
Yes, more and more digitalization of the financial sector would be a welcome move to consumers, especially to those of the digitally literate. But instead of aiming for financial inclusion via unchartered domains, what may be more essential may be for the brick-and-mortar state owned banks to bring themselves up-to par with the digitalized banking platforms and services already being offered by many of the private sector banking arena.
Expansion of the portfolios of digital service offerings by the already existing and successful
MFS operators may also bring in more to the pot of rural-urban financial connection in the country tapping into their already existing extensive networks, rather than expecting people to learn something new overnight also.
Another thing I find interesting about the inclusivity of MFS services for example is its network of agents that many at times help bridge the gap among the not so digitally literate. Even when it comes to banks, I like having the option to have a branch to show up at when in need of trouble shooting. Such may also point out to the need for a more hybrid solution in place than going completely paperless and office-less in the name of cost-efficiency and smart banking.
Mehzabin Ahmed is a development professional.
Renewed attempts to absolve Tarique Rahman from his role in Aug 21 grenade attack?
On the anniversary of August 21 grenade attack — a grueling and chilling plot targeting then opposition leader Sheikh Hasina — BNP’s acting chief Tarique Rahman and the party’s Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir disseminated a wave of what rights activists and political analysts called out as outright denial of Tarqiue’s “direct involvement” with the perpetrators who lobbed grenades in 2004 at an anti-terror rally leading to the deaths of at least 24 AL activists.
“The August 21 grenade attack trial was a staged drama by the government,” BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir was quoted as saying while Tarique came up with even more ridiculous claims that “Awami League is trying to mislead people against BNP over the Joj Mia issue,” to cover up his widely exposed collusion with militants who were shielded by the then BNP-Jamaat regime that ruled the country between 2001 and 2006.
Also read: Tarique Rahman’s call of deciding fate of the country on the streets an ‘instigation for violence,’ rights activists and minority leaders say
It seems Tarique’s decade-old attempt of self-defense was intensified as his speech was circulated by BNP’s social media accounts as well as by party leaders.
Ironically, it was the then BNP-led alliance government that in 2004 hurriedly concluded the investigation into the August 21 grenade attack on an Awami League rally, claiming that it was orchestrated by none other than AL men.
Later, the party again claimed that there was actually no political involvement in the attack and picked up a hapless Joj Mia from his Senbagh house in Noakhali on June 10, 2005, saying he was responsible for the carnage. [The Daily Star]
With that arrest, another cooked up story was produced to misguide the nation and guard the criminals. In custody, the law enforcers reportedly tortured Joj Mia and threatened to make him a victim of a set-up crossfire incident and to kill his mother and sister as well, revealed media reports back then.
Also read: Tarique Rahman is a disease: Purnima Shil, gang-raped during 2001 post-election violence, says
All the accused, including Tarique Rahman and former top intelligence officials, were found guilty and handed down punishments for the grenade attack.
Now, decades later, the brazen attempt by Tarique to project himself as innocent, perpetuated by BNP leaders, has emerged as a new staple for discussion, since he has been living in London as a fugitive since 2008.
BNP has also been criticized for its alleged ties to extremist groups and for its opposition to the International Crimes Tribunal, which was established to try those responsible for war crimes committed during Bangladesh's struggle for independence.
Let’s look at some of the notable incidents:
2001 Post-Election Violence: There were countless reports of violence and irregularities during the general elections in 2001, which led to BNP coming to power. The opposition parties, including the Awami League, raised serious allegations of electoral fraud and vote rigging. There were reports of BNP engaging in various forms of manipulation to ensure their victory, including stuffing ballot boxes, intimidating voters, and misusing state resources for electoral gain.
Also read: Will take step to remove Tarique’s speeches from social media after getting court copy: Minister
After the election in 2001, BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami activists around the country went on a rampage of looting, rape and killing of religious minorities and opposition party members, especially Awami League activists and secular voices in the country. The BNP-led government did not attempt to stop the violence, rather perpetrators enjoyed the shelter of local police.
2004 Grenade Attack: The grenade attack in Dhaka was a major terrorist attack that took place in Bangladesh on August 21, 2004. The attack targeted an anti-terrorism rally organized by the Awami League, which was then the opposition party. The rally was held at Bangabandhu Avenue in Dhaka. The attack resulted in a significant loss of life and left numerous people injured.
During the rally, several army grade grenades were detonated, creating chaos and panic among the participants. The attack killed at least 22 people and injured hundreds more. Among those killed was Ivy Rahman, the women's affairs secretary of Awami League, and many more party leaders and members.
The attackers targeted the Awami League leadership, including party President Sheikh Hasina, who narrowly escaped the attack with severe injuries. Later investigations into the attack revealed that it was a well-coordinated and planned act of terrorism. The investigation implicated members of the Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami (HuJI), an extremist group with ties to international terrorist networks, and during the trial it was revealed that meetings took place in the presence of Tarique Rahman at his office called Hawa Bhaban.
2001-2006 Political Unrest: The period from 2001 to 2006 was marked by political instability, protests, and widespread violence. The BNP-led government faced criticism for its handling of the political situation and its response to protests by opposition groups on various political, social issues. There were many instances of political violence, clashes between rival political factions, and protests. There were several incidents of political assassinations during this period as well. Opposition leaders and activists were targeted in various acts of violence, which added to the overall atmosphere of instability and unrest.
The ex-finance minister of Bangladesh, renowned economist ASM Kibria, was murdered in his hometown.
A grenade attack on the then British High Commissioner to Bangladesh, Anwar Choudhury, killed three people at Hazrat Shahjalal Shrine in Sylhet. About 70 others were injured.
Religious Extremism and Militancy: Bangladesh had faced challenges related to religious extremism and militancy during the BNP-Jamaat rule. There were concerns about the rise of extremist ideologies and militant activities during this time and reports of violence against religious minorities often made news.
On August 17, 2005, around 500 bomb explosions occurred at 300 locations in 63 districts of Bangladesh. Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), a terrorist organization, claimed responsibility for the bombings.
The 2001-2006 period saw many security challenges, including incidents of terrorism and extremism, and oppression of religious minorities. Freedom of speech and media independence faced challenges during the BNP-Jamaat rule. Independence of the judiciary collapsed and allegations of undue political influence on legal proceedings became regular practice. Economic and social development were hindered by political instability and governance issues.
The writer is editor of the Australia-based Bangla portal muktamancha.com.
Digital banks and digital Haldars : Is the Bangladesh Bank ready ?
Many important names are on the list of the 52 applicants including four state owned banks, digital money transfer agents like Bkash, Nagad,etc. Daraz and Pathao are on the list as new entrants like Allied Singular Islami PLc. Private Banks –at least ten- are there as shareholders and investors so its big league.
However, the problem is that these are all under the regulatory eyes of Bangladesh Bank and people are already asking if that institution has the capacity to manage such a complex techno sector. It already has a fair number of scandals including the Billion dollar heist and a new documentary on the issue has been making rounds. It's exposing the basic digital incompetence of the heisted outfit.
Startup is cheaper
It will be cheaper to set up a digital bank than a standard one. The minimum capital requirement is Tk125 crore compared to the Tk500 crore for a standard bank. Each sponsor will put up up Tk50 lakh minimum or 10% or Tk12.5 crore maximum.
These banks will be run as per the Banking Company Act, and specific guidelines will be finalized soon. As per guidelines, it’s not just about reaching out to the left out clients in the urban-rural financial world but also working towards a cashless society.
Mode of operations
“Digital banks will operate solely in the virtual realm. This will allow its customers higher access to services using digital devices. This will mean lesser number of people, investment in floor space etc and hence cheaper payment for services hence lower overhead and running cost. New services would be virtual debit cards facilities and instant personal loans that can be sanctioned almost immediately. A host of other digital services are being promised. “ Financial Express. 21/8/23)
Unaddressed concerns
Two sets of people are reacting to the digital banks' entry. The business community is worried that the entry of government owned banks with 50+ years of experience is not a healthy practice. They shall have many advantages which will make operations for the new banks much less advantageous.
But a much more gut reaction is coming from the average public who are seriously worried that this is a “cheap way to steal from the people.” Who is protesting the depositor?
The two big fears : BB heist and Haldar
The Bangladesh Bank in particular is digital security-wise weak and the 1 billion dollar heist has become a global example of that. The recent incidence of a digital scam by a company that had stolen millions in Nigeria and Sri Lanka but was allowed to operate in Bangladesh that duly scammed thousands shows its oversight capacity is weak as well.
And as always there is the Haldar example casting its shadow on the financial world. Although Haldar has been demonized as a person along with a few accomplices, Haldar could not have done much without the support of Sur and other officials of the BB. They all remain safe and the only victim is the depositor.
Three FB comments on the digital bank issue will reflect the public mood.
· Javed Iqbal : Taking loans from oneself after getting a bank license has many examples. 600% to 1000% profit assured. Now it can be done with much less investment with digital banks, only 125 crores.
· S.A/ Roman: When hackers can steal a billion overnight, how can I have confidence in digital banks?
· Partha Sarker :I think the idea is not that bad.. Only issue is its implementation. If the sole purpose is to invest something to withdraw multiple times more than that and then to become defaulter - that nothing is going to work.
Bangladesh Bank has a long way to go before it can gain public confidence which it has lost due to poor capacity and disregard. And the digital world is all pervasive but considered all unsafe too. Some measures are needed to restore public confidence before digital banking can really take off.
Heat Action Plans to Cope with Extreme Hot Days – lessons from the neighbour
Heat waves have become a new and alarming phenomenon for Bangladesh. We are increasingly experiencing hot humid temperatures for longer periods than anticipated. Although looking at the recent years, it is becoming more of a norm, we are not yet aware of potential ways to reduce the impact of this climactic change in our lives. It was just the other day, while reviewing the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR)’s Global Assessment Report on Disaster Risk Reduction (GAR) Special Report 2023 I found an interesting case study on Heat Action Plan (HAP) of Ahmedabad, India. Ahmedabad initiated a HAP back in 2013 and it proved to be quite effective in reducing the sufferings of people due to extreme heat waves. This successful approach later replicated in 2023 in India’s most heat prone areas.
Why did the HAP work?
The HAP tailored to the local context and considered four characteristics: i) a graded Early Warning System (EWS), from mild to severe, ii) a public-awareness campaign on dangers and mitigating measures, iii) trained medical staff and facilities that are properly equipped and prepared and iv) systems and infrastructure to improve water distribution and roof-cooling programmes, to shade spaces and to expand public gardens.
The HAP initiated in Ahmedabad ensured the participation of the community, private sector and government agencies and tried to identify simple, realistic but effective steps to reduce the impact of heat waves. Identifying these measures through a collaborative manner meant that all the stakeholders are well aware about respective roles and responsibilities and try to execute them accordingly. Decentralizing and dividing labour worked.
Can we replicate it in Bangladesh?
In Bangladesh, we are also experiencing extended summers, starting already from the end of February and continuing up to last week of October. Even a few years back, the country did experience cooler monsoon seasons in between but in the last two years, it has gone down. Earlier, a World Bank’s Climate Afflictions Report of 2021 found that the average temperature rises in Bangladesh is broadly in line with the global average. The report further stated that Bangladesh regularly experiences some of the highest maximum temperatures in Asia, with an average monthly maximum of around 30°C (86°F) and an average April maximum of 33°C (91°F). The same report anticipated more hot and humid seasons, surpassing the Heat Index of 35°C [95°F].
While we may soon adjust to the new normal but finding adaptation techniques is more important than ever. The last eight years were the warmest years ever recorded, resulting in an increase in extreme weather events, including, heat waves, floods and drought. As of the current projection, due to El Nina, we are expected to have similar or hotter humid days for the next decade. During extreme heat waves, temperatures can reach levels inconsistent with life.
As we now have examples from India, it is possible to adapt some of the strategies with our context and circumstances. In reality, it is challenging to improvise the structural settings of Dhaka that HAP requires but concentrate on others areas of early warning, awareness raising and interactions between stakeholders to mitigate potential losses of warm heat temperatures. While a highly significant investment is not required, motivation and willingness are key to operationalizing actions like the HAP.
The GAR report stated that ‘while some losses will inevitably occur due to the extreme heat, it is misleading to assume that the impacts are inevitable. Adaptation to extreme heat can be effective at reducing mortality. Heat Action Plans that include early warning and early action, awareness raising and behaviour changing messaging, and supportive public services can reduce mortality, and India’s rollout of these has been remarkable, now covering 130 cities and towns.’
The reality is that we have to live with extreme hot humid days and proper adaptation is the key to survival. With adequate preparedness and planned investments, worst-case scenarios may be avoided. Bangladesh can proudly boast its cyclone and flood warning mechanisms, which are instrumental to reducing significant loss and damage for both human and the ecosystem. The Standing Orders on Disasters (SOD) for instance is a proven tool to act on disasters engaging multiple levels of stakeholders and the community. Time has come to improvise our indigenous way of thinking to adjust to the hot humid days and developing heat action plans with concrete messages and defined responsibilities could be a good start.
The UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres aptly said in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Synthesis Report 2023, that ‘climate change is here and it is terrifying. The era of global warming has ended; the era of global boiling has arrived. The air is unbreathable. The heat is unbearable’. It is scary but true – we have already stepped into the era of ‘global boiling’ and must think consciously about ways to live with extreme situations with smart planning and actions.
Syed Matiul Ahsan is a climate expert, currently working at the Danish Embassy in Bangladesh as a Climate Change Adviser. Reach out to him at [email protected]
IRI Survey: What accounts for Sheikh Hasina’s sustained popularity?
The recent release of a report by the Washington-based International Republican Institute (IRI) – a non-profit organisation funded and supported by the United States federal government – has sparked considerable debates and discussions within Bangladesh’s political sphere. This dynamic discourse comes at a pivotal juncture as the nation steers towards the upcoming parliamentary election, with the opposition vocally advocating for the reinstatement of the caretaker government system. The findings of the report are likely to have significant implications for Bangladesh’s political landscape. With a focus on gauging public opinion, the survey paints a comprehensive picture of the preferences and attitudes of the Bangladeshi population.
One of the most striking revelations of the report is the widespread popularity of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The fact that an overwhelming 70 percent of respondents hold positive views about her leadership indicates a strong endorsement of her policies and governance. This reflects the public’s confidence in her ability to steer the nation forward and address its challenges effectively.
In addition to evaluating sentiments toward the Prime Minister, the report delves into perspectives on the electoral process. Notably, only 44 percent conveyed favorable inclination towards reinstating the caretaker government, implying that a majority of respondents do not outrightly endorse the opposition’s demands regarding the issue. This indirectly signals an increasing faith in the stability and transparency of the incumbent government’s strategies for holding elections.
Furthermore, the survey underscores the population’s enthusiasm for participating in the democratic process. An impressive 92 percent of respondents expressed their intent to exercise their voting rights, highlighting a keen awareness of the significance of civic engagement and the power of the ballot.
The combination of these findings points towards a nation that values both stable leadership and active democratic participation. As Bangladesh looks ahead to its upcoming general election, these insights can guide political parties and policymakers in aligning their strategies with the desires and expectations of the people.
Read: PM to inaugurate Agargaon-Motijheel section of Dhaka Metro Rail on Oct 20
However, it’s also important to recognize that public sentiment can be fluid and subject to change, influenced by various factors including evolving circumstances and policy decisions. As such, while these survey results offer a snapshot of current attitudes, they also highlight the need for continued engagement and responsiveness from the government to maintain the high levels of support observed in the report.
Now, a crucial inquiry arises: What accounts for Sheikh Hasina’s sustained popularity? The considerable upswing in Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s popularity, as highlighted by the survey, can be linked to a sequence of diverse accomplishments that have markedly influenced Bangladesh across multiple domains.
One of the pivotal factors behind Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s soaring popularity is her government’s adept management of the COVID-19 crisis. As the pandemic brought about unprecedented challenges globally, her leadership stood out through decisive actions and transparent communication. Swift and effective measures were implemented to curb the spread of the virus, leading to a relatively controlled impact on public health compared to many nations. Moreover, the mass vaccination program, offered free of cost, has saved the people of Bangladesh from catastrophic health consequences. This success not only saved lives but also bolstered public confidence in her administration’s ability to navigate complex crises.
Read: Metro rail service resumes after two hours of suspension
The government’s commitment to improving the lives of its citizens is underscored by the expansion of the social safety net. By extending the coverage of welfare programs, Sheikh Hasina’s government has significantly reduced poverty levels in the country. These initiatives have provided essential support to vulnerable populations, ensuring access to healthcare, education, and basic necessities. Such measures have not only uplifted lives but have also garnered widespread public appreciation for their direct impact on the ground.
Furthermore, the vision of transforming Bangladesh’s infrastructure has been actualized through ambitious mega projects. The construction of the Padma Bridge, a tunnel under the Karnaphuli river, and the introduction of a metro rail in Dhaka are monumental initiatives that reflect the government’s commitment to modernization and improved connectivity. These projects not only promise a more efficient transportation network but also contribute to economic growth and job creation, resonating positively with the populace.
Another crucial query pertains to whether the IRI report will contribute to the Awami League drawing public support as the nation approaches the 12th parliamentary election scheduled for early 2024. The findings of the report could potentially provide the Awami League with a substantial advantage. As voters increasingly prioritize stability, effective governance, and concrete results, the report’s insights into Sheikh Hasina’s growing popularity could translate into higher voter confidence in the Awami League’s ability to steer the nation’s progress. However, it’s important to note that political dynamics can be complex and multifaceted, and electoral outcomes are influenced by a range of factors beyond just popularity figures.
Read more: Dhaka Metro Rail a symbol of Japan’s contributions to Bangladesh’s fast development: Nishimura Yasutoshi
In conclusion, the IRI report underscores the remarkable surge in Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s popularity, while also reflecting the people’s confidence in the electoral process. With a substantial majority indicating their intent to participate in the democratic process, Bangladesh appears poised to move forward with a strong sense of civic responsibility and engagement. As the nation progresses, these findings could serve as a foundation for further discussions on governance, policy, and the future trajectory of Bangladesh’s democracy.
The writer is a Professor of Public Administration at the University of Rajshahi.
Breaking the Silence on child sexual abuse in Bangladesh
29 years ago, a group of people, deeply disturbed by the silence that pervaded over the violent issue of child sexual abuse decided to establish an organization on “Breaking the silence” . That was in 1996 and all these people had hoped for were some discussions and some activities that would trigger a reasonable level of awareness on the topic.
What BTS was not expecting was that their initiative would lead to a national level awareness on the scale that is historic. They had taken on the historic silence on the topic and in the process shaken the idea that sexual abuse was part of the “normal”. BTS had literally challenged the Silence. They had broken the silence.
Child sexual abuse and society
Children that are persons under 18 years of age and involved in sexual activities are not uncommon. It happens through three ways generally; A. Through early age marriage. B. Through coercive manipulation, non-consensually and or rape. C. Romantic or sexual relations.
This becomes a complex issue due to many overlapping matters. In case of Bangladesh, this is difficult due to high prevalence of child marriage. BTS is also working on this topic now but its main focus is on children who are sexually abused, who can do little about it as there is no social awareness and understanding that this is abuse. Socially and individually, the awareness of abuse is/was low.
There are other complexities including the economic compulsions behind CSA. Many poverty driven children are abused as part of the transaction cost for being paid or employed. The social values of Bangladeshi or for that matter Bangladeshi society are one of “do not disturb the status quo”.
The result is recognition of CSA as being present but at the same time ignoring it. This is more common than we think. To this is linked the prevalent notions of sexuality attached to which are linked other socio-economic factors. Given this scenario, it’s obvious that BTS Had a massive task ahead even as it contemplated bringing the issue to the public space.
The report
In 1994, BTS published their path breaking report , “ Non-Commercial Sexual abuse of Children in Bangladesh.” based on over 100 case studies covering both urban and rural areas, it was the first report of its kind in the country. For the first time, there was research based documented evidence that indicated the range and the scale of the problem.
The case studies also indicated two facts that were not noted before.
- That it was not rape that dominated the sexual abuse scene but manipulative sexual abuse. It was not violently done but coerced, forced, pushed or emotionally manipulated. (This as per Bangladesh law tantamount to rape anyway).
- That boy children were also sexually abused and many even if they knew about it didn’t consider it a problem. One reason was socially its girls who faced major stigma around social abuse particularly in case of marriages where sexually abused girls were seen as “tainted”. Hence people were silent about sexual abuse of girl children. And in the case of boy children, they didn’t even recognize that a problem existed.
There was reaction from various quarters. However, reaction from several quarters including a section of the media was hostile. It was read as an attack on the people of Bangladesh and its societal behaviour. But a large section upheld the report and gave extensive focus.
Soon the initial hostility gave away and there was a slow rise of acceptance as people and the authorities began to face the facts they already knew and began to discuss what could be done. The silence around sexual abuse had begun to crack loudly.
From the people to the Government
BTS is a social service organization run by active members, held together by their commitment to the cause. There are no nominated, professional or prestige driven people who are name lenders. This has produced a coalition of ordinary people who support BTS because they care.
The continuity of the leadership has been very important in sustaining the advances made. The Chairperson since birth has been Tasmima Hosssain, Editor of Ittefaq and Anannya and the General Secretary Roksana Sultana. Most active members have been with BTS since birth or soon after and plan to continue till the end.
In my own research on the topic and the increased social awareness of the same, civil society actors did take up a challenge at a time when it was not on the policy plate of the Government or even the UN. Although the UN is generally seen as a policy advocacy leader, it wasn’t so at that time. INGOs were better informed and willing and Swedish Save the Children (Radda Barnen) played a significant role.
BTS’s advocacy backed by information bore significant fruits. Its field level work at the community level and public mobilization were compelling evidence that the problem needed addressing. Once the GOB had endorsed action, the rest became easier.
Today, almost 30 years later, the work of this agency shows that ordinary people can make a difference even without many resources and take the problem from the shadows of denial and neglect to the mainstream or light if not enlightenment yet.
The silence over the sexual abuse of children has been broken. BTS kept its promise.
The Mournful Day
It was not dawn yet. Azan, the call for prayers from a faraway mosque was flowing through. All on a sudden sound of gunshots filled the air. Shots were being fired around a house on road 32 of Dhanmondi area in Dhaka. The house where the President of Bangladesh, Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman resides. It was a simple small-sized two-storey building on one bigha land. The Head of the State lives there just like any other middle-class citizen. He was like this all along; living an ordinary life. The house is also the silent witness of all sorts of movement and struggle for our independence. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib declared the independence of Bangladesh on 26 March 1971 from the same house. Target of this early morning attack was this house. The serene sound of Azan was already lost under the crackling of heavy gunfire.
Generally, the security of the residence of the President lies with the Infantry Division of the Armed Forces. But just 10-12 days ago the responsibility was shifted to the officers and soldiers from the ‘Bengal Lancer’, which was not a usual case. My mother, Begum Fazilatunnesa Mujib noticed that soldiers donning black uniform were engaged in maintaining the security of the residence. She raised the question but didn’t receive any satisfactory response.
My father Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had endless love for his countrymen. He used to have blind faith on almost everyone. He could never imagine that any Bengali would raise a gun to shoot or kill him. No Bengali would ever try to kill or harm him in any way – he used to live with this conviction. Though unfortunate but what value did he get for his such strong faith in people?
Gunshots were being fired from all around. Continuously firing from a machinegun, a military vehicle stopped in front of the house at Road 32. By that time, all present at the house woke up due to such earsplitting noise of gunshots. My brother Sheikh Kamal hurried down to the reception area in an attempt to know what was happening and who attacked our house. Personal Assistant to my father, Mr. Mohitul Islam was then trying to make calls to different places but in vain. He did not get any response from anyone.
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After staying there for few minutes, Kamal came out to the veranda. He saw Major Nur and Captain Huda approaching through the entrance gate. Kamal started talking to them – ‘Oh! You have arrived. Please look into the matter. Who attacked our house...?’ But before he could finish his words, the weapons at their murderous hands started spitting bullets at him. Kamal fell dead on the spot. Sad is the fact that both Major Nur and Kamal served together as ADCs to Colonel Osmani during our war of liberation. They knew each other very closely. But what a misfortune! How could those dearly known people appeared as unknown killers! And killed co-fighter Kamal by his own hand! Kamal was a freedom fighter himself. He completed his military training at Deradun, India and joined the liberation war to defend his country. Later Bangladesh government appointed him as one of the ADCs to the wartime Chief of Bangladesh Armed Forces Colonel Osmani.
Major Syed Faruk was firing from a Military Tank aiming at our house. My father made the first call to Army Chief Shafiullah and informed him that the president’s residence was under attack. The latter responded: ‘Let me see. In the meantime, if you can please try to move somewhere outside’.
The telephone at our house started ringing then. On the other end it was the Minister for Agriculture Abdur Rob Serniabat, who was my uncle, husband of one of the sisters of my father. He informed my father that some unknown people had attacked his house. Father informed him that our house was also under attack. My father then called two prominent Awami League Leaders - Abdur Razzak and Tofael Ahmed. Mr. Razzak, who was in charge of a volunteer-based force namely ‘Shwessashebok Bahini (Volunteer Forces)’ told him: ‘Leader, let me see what can be done’. Mr. Tofael Ahmed, who was the head of another paramilitary force named ‘RakkhiBahini’ also repeated similar words. Interestingly, while putting down the receiver he said what could he do? Father then came out of the room to go down. Mother helped him donning his Punjabi, a traditional attire of Bengali people which he always used to wear. Going towards the stairs he was asking about his son Kamal’s whereabouts. While still talking he reached the stairs.
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At that time, the goons who were standing in the middle platform of the staircase started to climb towards the upper floor. My father could recognize Huda among them. Father addressed him by the name of his father: ‘Aren’t you the son of Riaz? What do you want?.....’ Before he could complete his sentence, they opened fire on him. By that time, Risaldar Moslehuddin also joined the killers.
Father fell down on the stairs lifeless by the bullets of the heinous killers. My mother was also approaching the stairwell. The killers had reached the upper floor by then. They blocked my mother’s way and told her to go with them. She said ‘I won’t move a single step, won’t go anywhere. Why did you kill him? You should kill me too!’ They didn’t spare a single moment and killed her instantly. My mother’s lifeless body fell to the floor.
My two brothers Kamal and Jamal were just newly married. Kamal’s wife Sultana Kamal and Jamal’s wife Rozy Jamal were at my parent’s bedroom. Killers shot and killed both of them there. Roma, our helping hand was standing at a corner holding Russel at her lap. My 10 years old youngest brother Russel could not understand anything what was going on. One soldier among the killers took Russel and Roma ( a domestic help) downstairs. They also gathered all others who were at the house at that time.
Our other domestic-help Abdul was shot. They took him too. There was a mango tree in front of our house. They lined up all of them under that tree and started verifying their identity one by one. My uncle, the only brother of my father, was an injured freedom fighter and was disabled. He repeatedly requested them to spare his life. His wife was pregnant and he had immature children. What would happen to them? But the killers paid no hid to his requests. Getting to know his identity, they took him to the bathroom of the office on the ground floor and shot him dead.
Russel was holding Roma’s hand. He was crying and repeatedly saying ‘I want to go to my mother!’ Roma was trying to calm him down and was trying to silence him by saying: ‘Please don’t cry brother otherwise they would kill you.’ But the innocent child kept crying for her mother. One of the goons at that moment wanted to know his identity. Getting to know his identity, he told Russel, ‘Let me take you to your mother’. They dragged the little child over the bodies of his bother and father to upstairs and shot him dead beside the body of his mother. Killers didn’t spare the life even of a ten-year child.
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The house from which Bangabandhu once declared the independence of Bangladesh, was flooded with his blood and of his family members. The pool of blood in which the house was drowned that day flowed down the stairs and got mixed with the land – the land whose people he loved the most.
Shafayet Jamil was in charge of the 46th Brigade. The Chief of Army Staff could not reach him over phone. CGS Khaled Mosharraf also did not fulfil his responsibilities. The Deputy Chief Ziaur Rahman did not even try to take any action rather he was intrinsically linked with the conspiracy. In an interview given to the BBC, killer Rashid and Faruk talkedabout Ziaur Rahman being an accomplice to this heinous crime. Later Killer Mushtaque made Zia the Chief of Army Staff. The then Police Super of Dhaka SP Mahbub was also not reachable over phone.
My Second Aunt’s (second sister of my father) House
Killers attacked the house of my father’s second sister at Dhanmondi under the command of Risaldar Moslehuddin. A group started climbing the stairs while hurling filthy words loudly. Freedom fighter, youth leader and the editor of ‘the daily Banglar Bani’ Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni came out of his room hearing the noise and stamping of boots. Killers started to curse him in vulgar language aiming their weapons at him. His pregnant wife came running to shield his husband from the bullets. But the killers opened fire on both of them and tore off their bodies with bullets. Their lifeless bodies fell down to the floor. 3 years old Taposh and 5 years old Porosh, their two children , ran towards their parents’ deadbodies. They cried and kept repeating: ‘Please wake up mother, wake up father. Did the parents hear the crying of their beloved children? They did not. Cause by that time they went to the land of no returns. The tears of the innocent children got mixed with the blood of their parents spilled by those inhuman killers.
My Third Aunt’s House
While shooting aimlessly, Major Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan and Major M A Rashed Chowdhury climbed upstairs of the Ministerial residence of my uncle, husband of the third sister of my father at Minto Road. They dragged all the members of the family out of their bedrooms and forced them down to the living room on the ground floor. Without any qualm, they opened fire on all of them. My aunt Amina Serniabat, my uncle, Minister for Agriculture Abdur Rob Serniabat, their daughters Beauty, Baby and Rina, their son Khokon and Arif, Shahana, wife of their elder son Abul Hasanat Abdullah, grandson Shukanto, son of my uncle’s brother freedom fighter Shahid and nephew Rentu were mercilessly killed. Their granddaughter 8 years old Kanta escaped death being trapped under a dead body. Grandson Sadek who was only one and a half years old was crying lying on his mother’s dead body. Kanta got herself released somehow from under the dead body of her aunt Baby. She was stunned with the scene of lying bodies of her near and dear ones all around. Some lifeless bodies were lying still and some were injured and were groaning in excruciating pain. There was an aquarium at one corner of the room. Bullets broke its glasses and fishes were scattered all over in the blood mixed water. Just a few moments back who were someone’s dear mother, father, grandmother, grandfather, uncle or aunt, turned into blood-soaked dead bodies a few minutes later. Freeing herself from under a dead body, 8 years old child Kanta was standing at the corner of the room and blankly staring in horror to the carnage.
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Major Faruk was shooting from a military tank towards the Bangabandhu Bhaban at Road 32 from across the lake. His firing also killed eleven innocent humans and injured several others in a house and in the vicinity in Mohammadpur area. Major Dalim was in charge of capturing the radio station. From there he announced: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was killed. Killers did not stop at killing only. They looted out house as well. They broke the cabinet and lockers in my father’s bedroom and dressing room and looted everything of value like ornaments, watches and money etc. Even our residence car was taken by force by Major Huda and Nur.
Blood-soaked clothing was scattered all over the bed. Such looting after the heinous crime of killing the Father of the Nation brings forth the darkest side of their characters. Whoever was connected to this conspiracy, did they realize how big a disaster they had brought on the fate of the people of a newly independent country?
The heart which was filled with great love for the Bengali nation, numerous holes were punched in the same heart with bullets shot by some misled criminals, who were members of his beloved Armed Forces. My father never believed that any Bengali could try to kill or harm him in anyway. Few world leaders had warned him of such a risk. However, he kept saying: ‘they are like my own blood. why would they kill me? Breaching a trust as solid as this, the killers stained the fate of the Bengali people.
How strange was it! At his call, one day people of this country took to arms and earned their freedom as well as victory through 9-month long war of liberation and got the status of a heroic nation in the whole world. On this day in 1975, the same nation came to be known as a treacherous one because of the barbarian act of killing the Father of the Nation and his family members. The majority of the population of this country hates the killers and conspirators as well as considers them as traitors.
Sobhanbag
Hearing something was terribly wrong, the Military Secretary to the President Colonel Jamil started towards the Bangabandhu residence at Dhanmondi 32 by his private vehicle. The attackers stopped his vehicle near the mosque at Sobhanbag. When he tried to move ahead, they shot him point blank and killed him. Sub-Inspector Siddiqur Rahman of Special Branch of Police, who was on duty at our residence that day was also shot and killed.
Belgium
Kring, Kring, Kring…the phone at the residence of the Bangladesh Ambassador to Belgium kept ringing. I woke up immediately and thought why the ring of the telephone was that harsh! I came out of the room and stood near the top of the stairs. Saw Ambassador Sanaul Haque was standing with the telephone receiver in his hand. Looking at me he told me that he would like to talk to Mr. Wazed, my husband. I woke him up. Mr. Humayun Rashid Chowdhury, the Ambassador of Bangladesh to Germany, was on the other end of the line. He informed that there was a Coup d’état in Bangladesh. ‘That means none of my family members are alive’ - the words automatically came out of my lips. My younger sister Rehana was standing beside me. I hugged her tight. But was not sure at that time what did happen actually.
Just 15 days before we came to Germany. From there we came to visit Belgium. We went to the Netherlands too. Father told me, if possible, to visit the facilities through which the Dutch people reclaimed land from the sea.
I spoke to my parents just a day before. For unknown reasons while speaking to us, mother was crying a lot. She told me that she had a lot to share with me and would tell me all once I return to Bangladesh. We felt very bad at that time and felt like rushing back to Bangladesh immediately. Father told us that he had a plan to visit Romania and Bulgaria. On his way back to Bangladesh, he would take us along.
But we could not return to Bangladesh anymore. All was lost in a matter of one day. Sanaul Haque who was a politically appointed Ambassador of Bangladesh to Belgium changed his face overnight and turned his back towards us. He told Ambassador Humayun Rashid Chowdhury in Germany: ‘The troubles that you put on my shoulders; you take them back immediately’.
Just the night before, the person who arranged for a ‘candle light dinner’ for us, took very good care of us looking after all our needs, suddenly started considering us as ‘troubles’. He didn’t even spare his car for dropping us off at the Belgium-Germany borders. Fortunately, my school friend Nomi’s husband Mr. Jahangir Sadat was working at the Bangladesh mission in Brussels at that time and he drove us there in his own car. We crossed the No-Man’s Land on foot and entered into German territory. Our Ambassador to Germany Mr. Humayun Rashid Chowdhury sent his car to pick us up. His wife also sent some dry foods for my children. We took shelter at their residence for couple of days. Their support and care for us in the time of distress was invaluable. We would never be able to forget the contribution of Ambassador and Mrs. Chowdhury. All other officials of our mission in Germany also took good care of us. We went to Karls Rou by the Embassy car.
We were offered political asylum by many including the then Government of Germany, President Marshall Tito of Yugoslavia and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Indian Ambassador to Germany came and met Dr. Wazed and Ambassador Chowdhury and arranged everything for our travel to India. Finally, we reached India from Germany.
My journey began with the shocks of blood-stained pain of August 15, 1975. I was able to return to the country on May 17, 1981 after 6 years of losing my parents and brothers. I have come with a promise, that my father made Bangladesh independent, it cannot fail. I will not let the blood of millions of martyrs and the blood of my parents and brothers go to waste.
My journey was easy; I have been targeted time and again. I have been subjected to false propaganda, bullets, bombs and grenade attacks. Khaleda Zia, the wife of murderer Ziaur Rahman, said several times, "Awami League will not be able to come to power even in a hundred years." "Sheikh Hasina, the prime minister will never be the leader of the opposition." After that, the terrible grenade attack on August 21, 2004 happened. Awami League leaders and activists protected me that day by creating a human shield. With Allah above, Awami League leaders and activists and the people of Bangladesh are my strength. They are the ones who are helping me on my thorny way. So, today's Bangladesh has turned around.
Today's Bangladesh has got the status of a developing country due to the people's elected democratic government is in power from 2009 to 2023. We have been able to free the people of Bangladesh from hunger. They have now started dreaming of a better life. Confidence regained.
Father! Wherever you are, your blessing hand is over my head - I can feel it. I will build a golden Bangladesh that you dreamt of by ensuing food, clothing, shelter, medical care and education to the people of the country. The people of your country have received your deep love and the strength of this love is the motivation to move forward.
(Author is the Prime Minister of the Government of Bangladesh and the elder daughter of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman)
For or against terrorism? When it comes to Bangladesh, US has to decide
Former US Ambassador to Bangladesh Dan Mozena mentioned the role of Bangladesh in fighting terrorism and militancy as one of the key determinants of Bangladesh-US partnership in a private conversation with one of the authors (Dr. Arif) in 2012.
Senator Robert Menendez, chairman of the foreign relations committee of the senate, mentioned in an event organized by one of the authors (Dr. Nabi) in 2022 that the current Bangladesh government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is a reliable partner of the United States in fighting terrorism.
Both also mentioned that the US would wholeheartedly support any Bangladeshi government stance against militancy.
Bangladesh’s position in the global anti-terrorism fight is significant for various reasons: its geo-political location in the South Asian region, it being the eighth largest country in the world by population, and the fourth largest Muslim country.
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Most importantly, nearly one-fourth of the population of Bangladesh is illiterate and many of them live below the poverty line. Hence, Bangladesh could be a breeding ground for the rise of religious militancy.
The United States along with other western development partners strongly realize this and give utmost importance to Bangladesh accordingly. Development partners including the United States expect a government in Bangladesh that is strongly committed to fighting terrorism.
Sadly, several recent actions by US politicians have raised questions about the ongoing support to Bangladesh in fighting terrorism and religious fundamentalism.
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There is a symbolic meaning of the recent US visa restrictions on Bangladesh.
The BNP-Jamaat led right-wing political parties who have been providing patronage to extremism in Bangladesh took this step by the US as part of their victories in questioning the legitimacy of the current Awami League government.
As lawful citizens of the greatest country on earth, we, Bangladeshi-Americans, strongly agree with the advocacy of the US government for free and fair elections and for maintaining human rights in Bangladesh. We also believe that like any other democratic government, the Awami League government in Bangladesh must be accountable.
There might be room for improvement for the current Awami League government led by Sheikh Hasina. However, the counter-terrorism steps taken by this government are outstanding and none can ignore the success of the Awami League in wiping out the national, regional, and international terrorist organizations in Bangladesh.
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Bangladesh’s position went up almost double — from 23rd to 43rd in the Global Terrorism Index. This is the greatest success of the last one and half decades of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s rule in Bangladesh.
Bangladesh used to be known as one of the hubs of fundamentalism and terrorism in the world before Sheikh Hasina’s government came to power in 2009.
Right after 9/11, BNP came to power in collaboration with the extremist, right-wing party Bangladesh Jamaat-e- Islami. Until then, Bangladesh had never seen such a rise in religious fundamentalism as it happened during the BNP-Jamaat regime in 2001-2006.
International terrorist groups went on a rampage and started mushrooming all over Bangladesh. The international media termed Bangladesh as the next “breeding ground” or “next Afghanistan.”
Sheikh Hasina expressed the firm commitment of her government to wipe out terrorism and fundamentalism right after taking office in 2009. It was one of the agendas in the election manifesto of Bangladesh Awami League.
‘Your letter demanding UN intervention in Bangladesh election makes it seem like you are playing in the hands of terrorists’
People of Bangladesh were utterly frustrated with bombings and killings of progressive writers, activists, and bloggers. Bangladeshis gave a supermajority to the Awami League to fight against those evil elements wreaking havoc in the country.
Sheikh Hasina ordered law enforcement agencies to follow a “zero tolerance” policy in wiping out terrorism from Bangladesh.
As a result, extremist leaders like Bangla Bhai and Shaykh Abdur Rahman, the leader of ‘Jagrata Muslim Janata’, who instructed their forces to bomb all the districts in Bangladesh at the same time were captured and prosecuted in a speedy special tribunal.
In addition, the Awami League government led by Sheikh Hasina rooted out almost all the small terrorist groups that mushroomed during the BNP-Jamaat government.
These actions were not easy for the Awami League. It was particularly politically risky for Sheikh Hasina and her party. Through these actions, however, Bangladesh became a role model among Muslim countries in the fight against religious fundamentalism.
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Recently, the way some US congressmen asked the Biden administration and the United States to put an embargo on Bangladesh raises questions over whether these politicians cross-checked facts or analyzed historical data on Bangladesh.
Under these circumstances, some of us wrote to President Biden and some congressmen, explaining the real situation in Bangladesh and urged them to cross-check information before putting out further statements on the country. Some of them appreciated us for enlightening them on the facts.
We simply stated the facts about the counter-terrorism actions of the Awami League government and how historically the party has been known as pro-minorities compared to the right-wing political parties.
As Bangladeshi-Americans, we felt that some of the congressmen who signed the petition to put an embargo on Bangladesh without any prior knowledge were influenced by lobbyists hired by the BNP-Jamaat coalition.
As Bangladeshi-Americans we are worried about such steps taken by the congressmen. We strongly believe that this kind of initiative is directly contradictory to the ongoing US support in the fight against terrorism and militancy in South Asia.
Like the politicians and the US government, we also support the demand for free and fair elections and ensuring human rights in Bangladesh.
However, we must be extremely cautious when lending support to a cause and not encourage, or worse, facilitate right-wing fundamentalist groups to come to power. This would be against the interests of the United States in South Asia.
We strongly believe that like any other democratic government in the world, Awami League is not above criticism, and they might have some missteps in running the government. However, in terms of the global political scenario, the contributions of the government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in almost wiping out terrorism in Bangladesh is undeniable.
Dr. Delaware Arif is a digital journalism associate professor in the Department of Communication at University of South Alabama, USA.
Dr. Nuran Nabi is a councilman of Plainsboro Township, New Jersey, USA. He is an Ekushey Padak recipient and a freedom fighter.
Views expressed in this article are the writers’ own.
Indo-Bangla ties: Forged in blood and history, a key driver in geopolitical stability
Since Bangladesh's independence from Pakistan in 1971, India has played a crucial role in supporting our liberation and subsequent development. Over the years, the two countries have managed to develop a cooperative and friendly relationship, addressing various bilateral issues and promoting regional stability. India and Bangladesh share a complex and multifaceted geopolitical relationship that has evolved over the years. The two countries have historical, cultural, and economic ties, as well as contention in some areas.
Historical Background: India and Bangladesh have a shared history, as both countries were part of British India until 1947. The Language Movement in 1952 and the Liberation War in 1971 further strengthened the bond between the two nations. Bangladesh, formerly known as East Pakistan, gained independence from Pakistan in 1971 with India's support. The Indian government played a crucial role in providing military assistance and sheltering millions of Bangladeshi refugees during the Liberation War. This historical event laid the foundation for a close relationship between the two countries.
Bilateral Relations: India and Bangladesh have maintained generally positive bilateral relations. There have been high-level visits and engagements, increased trade and investment, and cooperation in various sectors such as energy, infrastructure, and connectivity. Both countries have signed several agreements on security, border management, water-sharing, and cultural exchanges.
Read: Hasina, Modi inaugurate ‘Indo-Bangla Friendship Pipeline’ to boost energy cooperation
Economic Cooperation: Economic ties between India and Bangladesh have flourished in recent years. Bangladesh is one of India's largest trading partners in South Asia. The two countries have implemented measures to enhance bilateral trade, such as the removal of non-tariff barriers, the establishment of trade facilitation measures, and the promotion of cross-border investments.
Security cooperation: India and Bangladesh have been cooperating closely on security issues, including counterterrorism efforts and intelligence sharing. The two countries have successfully conducted joint military exercises and coordinated border security to combat cross-border threats.
Connectivity and Infrastructure: India and Bangladesh have made significant progress in enhancing connectivity and infrastructure development. Projects like the Maitree Express (train service), the Akhaura-Agartala rail link, and the restoration of inland waterways have strengthened physical connectivity and people-to-people contacts between the two countries.
Boundary Disputes: India and Bangladesh have resolved their long-standing boundary disputes through negotiations and legal processes. The Land Boundary Agreement signed in 2015 facilitated the exchange of enclaves and the demarcation of the land border, bringing about a positive change in border management and security cooperation.
Water Sharing: The issue of sharing water resources, particularly the rivers that flow through both countries, has been a subject of contention. Water sharing, particularly related to the Teesta and Ganges rivers, remains a significant challenge in the India-Bangladesh relationship. However, both countries have engaged in dialogue and are working towards finding a mutually acceptable solution to ensure equitable sharing of water resources.
Read: Hasina, Modi to inaugurate newly-built 'Indo-Bangla Friendship Pipeline' Saturday
Future Outlook: The future of India-Bangladesh geopolitical relations looks promising, with opportunities for further cooperation and collaboration. The countries have demonstrated a commitment to resolving bilateral issues through dialogue and cooperation. They continue to enhance trade and economic ties, improve connectivity, and foster people-to-people exchanges. There is also the potential for greater regional integration through initiatives like the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).
Some Potential Areas of Focus
Economic Integration: Both countries can explore avenues to deepen economic integration by expanding trade, investment, and cross-border connectivity. The development of special economic zones and the promotion of regional value chains can contribute to mutual economic growth.
Security Cooperation: Strengthening security cooperation to address transnational challenges such as terrorism, organized crime, and drug trafficking will be crucial. Enhanced intelligence sharing, joint exercises, and capacity building can bolster regional security. Regional stability is crucial for both country’s future developments and security.
Climate Change and Disaster Management: Given the vulnerability of both countries to climate change and natural disasters, collaboration in areas such as disaster management, adaptation, and mitigation can help build resilience and protect shared ecosystems.
Read: Doraiswamy’s keynote to stimulate dialogue on Indo-Bangla relations
People-to-People Contacts: Encouraging cultural exchanges, tourism, and educational collaborations can foster greater understanding and goodwill between the people of India and Bangladesh, strengthening the social fabric of the bilateral relationship. Mutual trust and understanding for these two neighbouring countries are crucial for regional stability.
It is important to note that geopolitical dynamics can be influenced by various factors and can evolve over time. However, challenges may arise, such as managing transboundary water resources, addressing border security concerns, and maintaining a balanced relationship, given the influence of external powers in the region.
Nevertheless, both India and Bangladesh have shown resilience and pragmatism in dealing with such challenges, and they are likely to continue working together to strengthen their geopolitical relationship in the future.
The writer is editor of the Australia-based Bangla portal muktamancha.com