The abrupt collapse of the Awami League government on August 5, 2024 - the culmination of the July Uprising, the monumental movement that by the end had drawn in people from all walks of life, but was led by the students of Dhaka University, marking yet another glorious chapter in the 104-year history of the institution.
Prior to the Uprising, almost every aspect of campus life was influenced by the ruling party’s student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League. The allocation of dormitory seats was controlled by the organisation. First- and second-year students, upon entering the halls, were typically denied proper seats (allocation in rooms) and forced to stay in overcrowded ‘Gonorooms’. In contrast, Chhatra League leaders enjoyed single beds, and in many halls, some enjoyed entire rooms to themselves.
A fourth-year student of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Hall, Muslimur Rahman, said, "It felt like we were imprisoned in a concentration camp. If somebody returned to the room a little late at night, he wouldn’t get space to sleep. Then he had to spend the whole night sitting in the reading room or sleeping in the mosque.”
In stark contrast, leaders of the Chhatra League used to live comfortably in single-occupancy seats (dorms).
“They would artificially create a seat crisis and hold general students hostage,” Muslimur continued. “Whenever they announced any political program, it had to be attended. On many occasions, they even instructed students to skip classes and join their programs.”
What if they disobeyed these instructions?
“Then the torture would begin,” said Muslimur. “At night, they would be summoned and subjected to abusive language, threats, and even physical assault. This would take place in the Guestroom.”
Dhaka University’s ‘Guestrooms’—typically a room near the hall’s entrance meant for students and visitors to sit or wait—spelt terror for students. At night, students were taken to the Chhatra League. Seniors would sit, while junior students had to stand in line. Often, seniors wielded sticks used as weapons to intimidate them. Then, they would be interrogated—why they didn’t greet their senior 'brothers', why they didn’t attend party programs, and so on. They were subjected to vulgar abuse and severe psychological harassment.
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A student named Pavel Ahmed shared a story. He said, “One of my friends missed the ‘Guestroom’ session for two days. As a result, a few of our immediate seniors came to our room. They verbally abused all of us. When they came to the friend who had missed the sessions, they insulted him with abusive language and even physically assaulted him over a trivial matter. Later, sensing the situation was escalating, a few others helped him leave the room safely.”
And at times, of course, things could indeed spiral out of control, as happened on the night of October 7, 2019 - with the macabre killing of Abrar Fahad, that shocked the nation. Although he was a student of BUET, the two institutions are of course closely linked, and most certainly had succumbed to the same culture as prevailed at DU under the Awami League.
The ordeal for Pavel’s friend however, was not over yet.
“Then they devised a terrifying plot,” said Pavel. "They threw away all his clothes and labeled him a drug addict, a mugger, and more. They forced all of us to memorise and testify against him—saying he was a drug addict, a mugger, a member of Shibir (student wing of the Jamaat e Islami), and so on."
Over 15 years, this dark reality had become the norm in almost every dormitory of the university, and as a matter of fact, throughout the public university system. But not anymore, thanks to the July Uprising. In a stunning portrayal of what was to come on the national stage, towards the middle of the 36-day movement, on July 17, the general student body came together in an unthinkable show of strength to expel the Chhatra League from the campus - for good, they hope.
“The expulsion of Chhatra League on July 17 dismantled the old political culture. In that sense, our movement was successful,” said Abdul Kader, one of the key coordinators of the July Uprising who now serves as the convenor of the DU branch of Bangladesh Ganatantrik Chhatra Sangsad.
Now, students say seat allocations are managed by the hall administration—there are no more ‘Guestrooms’ or ‘Gonorooms’. This alone might be enough to vindicate the Uprising, at least for the country’s student population.
Professor Abdullah-Al-Mamun, Convener of the Dhaka University Provosts Standing Committee and himself Provost of Salimullah Muslim Hall, said, “We have been able to abolish the Guestroom and Gonoroom system. The key reason behind this is a shift in political culture. Previously, the university was not seen as a center for research, but rather as a breeding ground for political power. Students were subjected to fascist repression, but now they are emerging from that. They are becoming aware of their rights. In the past, they were silenced through fear and intimidation.”
But will it last?
“There is a view that once a political regime is in power again, the ‘Guestroom’ and ‘Gonoroom’ culture might return. But as far as I can see, that will not be possible,” said Mamun. “Those who live in the halls will never accept the Guestroom-Gonoroom culture or the so-called ‘big brother’ culture. And if any political party is considering such a move, it would be a mistake.”
End of authoritarianism
A university can never meet its potential in an atmosphere of authoritarianism, such as that which prevailed at Dhaka University, and by extension most public universities, till the July Uprising. The spirit of intellectual enquiry was suppressed, and dissenting opinions were not tolerated.
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Md. Nizam Uddin, Vice President of the Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chhatra Dal (BNP’s student wing), said, “I had to take both my Honours and Master’s exams under the guard of the proctorial body. Not just me—anyone involved in the anti-fascist movement faced the wrath of Chhatra League. We were attacked multiple times. Although we had the right to reside in the halls, we were not allowed to stay there. Students were living under a form of political slavery.”
Although the journey since August 5 has not been without its bottlenecks, things are now slowly changing, and mostly for the better, he says.
“Now everyone can move freely—not just at Dhaka University, but across the country. There are still limitations, but positive changes have taken place in student politics. Earlier, due to the terrorist Chhatra League, no opposition voice could even enter the campus.” said Nizam.
Miftahul Hossain Al Maruf, literature and sports secretary of DU Chhatra Shibir, came down hard on teachers who allow their partisan natures to come to the fore.
He stated, “The most shocking thing was that university teachers, renowned academics, turned into party hooligans. Based on just one message in a department group, my Zia Hall provost and Chhatra League labeled me a traitor and even a terrorist. I was handed over to the Shahbagh Police Station.”
With Hasina carrying out a political vendetta against Jamaat in the form of prosecuting their top leadership for war crimes and crimes against humanity during 1971, and her courts having stripped the party of its registration with the Election Commission, life was not easy at all for members of their student wing Shibir.
“Not only at Dhaka University but across the country, identifying as Shibir—or even suspicion of being linked to Shibir—was considered a serious crime. Abrar Fahad and Bishwajit gave their lives merely on suspicion of Shibir affiliation,” Maruf noted.
He added that now, coming out from there, students’ democratic and fundamental rights are being practiced at Dhaka University. “We want this continuity to remain. Students should not become slaves of any particular political party.”
What about academia?
As far as the academic atmosphere at the university is concerned, Dr. Rushad Faridi, Assistant Professor of Economics, believes not much has changed. He too stresses that significant changes have taken place in the dormitories, where students previously endured inhumane torture. Political cadres had taken over the residential halls, but public universities have now been freed from that grip.
“But the quality of education and research in universities hasn’t improved. The necessary steps for such changes are not being taken,” said Dr. Faridi.
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“Some efforts are being made to improve research standards, but they are minimal—and mostly for show,” he added. “There’s an attempt to move up in the rankings by increasing publications, but the actual quality of teaching remains the same as before.”
Abdul Kader stated that students’ opinions still tend to be ignored in the academic sphere, and crises that have long existed remain unresolved.
Kader said, “There is still no effort to ensure teachers’ accountability or prioritise student interests. As students, our rights in the academic domain are consistently overlooked. There’s a prevailing culture of arbitrariness among teachers—a kind of class-based discrimination.
“There are also political rivalries among teachers, and students often end up being the victims,” he added.
Kader may get the chance to affect some changes in this regard, with the announcement that after a six-year hiatus (that itself followed one of nearly 30 years), the Dhaka University Central Students’ Union elections will be held on September 9.
Currently serving as the DU branch convener of the Bangladesh Ganatantrik Chhatra Sangsad, effectively NCP’s student wing, he has declared himself the organisation’s candidate for the top post up for grabs in the election - the vice president. The university’s vice chancellor serves as the president.